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THE PRACTICE OF DIPLOMACY. Large 
crown Svo, J3.00, f!£i. Postage 20 cents. 

ARBITRATION AND THE HAGUE COURT. 
Crown Svo, $1.00, net. Postpaid, Ji.og. 

AMERICAN DIPLOMACY IN THE ORIENT. 
Svo, $3.00, net. Postpaid, ^3.20. 

A CENTURY OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY- 
Being a Brief Review of the Foreign Rela- 
tions of the United States, 1776-1S76. With 
maps. Svo, ?3.so. 

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 
Boston and New York 



DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

VOLUME I 





^^"^ J-int(yv- 



DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 



BY 



JOHN W. FOSTER 

Author of^^A Century of American Diplomacy,'''' 

'■''American Diplomacy in the Orient,^^ 

"The Practice of Diplomacy," etc. 



IN TWO VOLUMES 
VOLUME I 

WITH ILL US TEA TIONS 







BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 

1909 



COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY JOHN W. FOSTER 
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 

Published November iQOq 



'CI.A:^5I7 3? 



! VO 



CONTENTS 

I. How I ENTERED THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE . 3 

II. The Mission to Mexico 15 

III. Social Life in Mexico 26 

IV. On Horseback among the Mountains . . 35 
V. Mexico under Lerdo 48 

VI. A Trip to Oaxaca 61 

VII. Revolutionary Mexico 71 

VIII. The Triumph of Diaz 83 

IX. Mexico under Diaz 97 

X. Commerce and Railroads 108 

XI. A Visit to the Interior Mexican States . 121 

X]T. From Mexico to Russia 137 

X .II. The Diplomats and the Russian Court . . 150 

XIV. Russian Affairs, Political and Social . . 163 

XV. The Assassination of Alexander II . . . 181 

XVI. Russia under Alexander III 198 

XVII. My Second Mission to Russia 216 

XVIII. My Mission to Spain 239 

XIX. Cuban Claims and Reciprocity 250 

XX. Statesmen and Diplomats at Madrid . . . 261 

XXI. Spain, Social and Political 276 

XXII. The Royal Family — Diplomatic Matters . 296 

XXIII. A Spanish Ceremonial 314 

XXIV. My Second Mission to Spain 329 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

John W. Foster (photogravure) Frontispiece '" 

Senator O. P. Morton 6 

Benito Juarez, Indian President op Mexico, 1 858-1872 . . 52 ' 

PoRFiRio Diaz, President of Mexico 84 

Mrs. Porfirio Diaz 100 

Robert R. Hitt 144 

Alexander II, Emperor of Russia 182 

Serge J. de Witte 228 

Alfonso XII, King of Spain 242 

(Autograph from Miss Foster's CoUedion.) 

Royal Palace, Madrid 272 

Alfonso XIII, Queen Regent, and Infantas of Spain . . . 304 



DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

1872-1891 



DIPLOMATIC MEMOIES 

CHAPTER I 

HOW I ENTERED THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 

The spirited political campaign of 1872 closed with the tri- 
umphant reelection of General Grant as President of the 
United States. Indiana was classed as one of the doubtful 
States, and the result of the October election was looked for- 
ward to with anxiety by both political parties as indicating 
the trend of public sentiment. Oliver P. Morton, the leader 
of his party in the State and one of the foremost statesmen 
of his day, was a candidate for reelection to the Senate of 
the United States, and he felt that his political life was at 
stake in the contest. 

As Chairman of the Republican State Committee, I con- 
ducted the campaign which resulted in the choice of a Re- 
publican majority in the legislature, and pointed unmis- 
takably to the success of President Grant. Senator Morton 
was greatly pleased, and when the returns were all in, he 
invited Mrs. Foster and myself to a private dinner at his 
residence in Indianapolis. When it was concluded, I ac- 
companied the Senator to his private office, and he at once 
said that to me more than any one else was due the decisive 
party victory, and that he personally felt under great obli- 
gations to me which he desired to discharge. He told me to 
take the "Blue Book" (the register of federal officers of the 
United States) and select the office I wanted, and that with- 
out further trouble on my part he would see that it was given 
me. I replied that I had not entered on the campaign for the 
purpose of securing an office, and that I must take time to 
consider the matter ; that, however, he had indicated to me 



4 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

great liberty of choice ; and that I might select a position for 
which I was not fitted or which he might not be able to se- 
cure for me. He answered that he had entire confidence in 
my ability, and as to securing the office I need give myself 
no concern on that score. The latter assertion was no vain 
boast on his part, for at that time there was no man in 
the country upon whom President Grant depended more 
strongly or whom he was more willing to favor. 

After canvassing the matter fully with my wife, we 
decided that, with our young family, a brief residence in 
Europe would be both pleasant and useful ; and I informed 
the Senator that if it could be had I should be gratified to 
receive the appointment of Minister to Switzerland, which 
was in the lowest grade of our diplomatic service. It will 
thus be seen that thirty years and more ago the diplomatic 
service presented the same allurement to inexperienced but 
ambitious young men as it seems to possess at the present 
day. 

Upon learning my choice, the Senator approved of it and 
assured me that I might count on receiving the appointment 
soon after the re-inauguration of the President, and that I 
might shape my business arrangements accordingly. But 
during the course of the ensuing winter I received a tele- 
gram from Senator Morton asking me to come to Washing- 
ton. Upon my arrival at the capital I was informed by 
him that he had encountered some difficulty in securing the 
Swiss Mission for me ; that the President had promised the 
friends of the incumbent that he might continue in the office 
during the coming term ; but that he had offered to appoint 
me to the Mexican Mission. 

I was bewildered by the proposition. It was with much 
misgiving as to my fitness for the office I had chosen the Swiss 
Mission, one of the lowest and most unimportant of the dip- 
lomatic posts ; and now I was tendered the highest and most 
difficult mission on the American hemisphere. I frankly told 



I ENTER THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 5 

the Senator that I very much doubted the wisdom of accept- 
ing such a post with my entire inexperience in diplomacy. I 
at the time spoke no foreign language, had never been out 
of my own country, and had only a text-book knowledge of 
international law. But the Senator only smiled at my hesi- 
tation, reasserted his confidence in my ability, and said I was 
much better fitted than most of those who were appointed 
to our diplomatic service. He asked me to go with him that 
evening to call on the President, who, he said, retained pleas- 
ant recollections of his army acquaintance with me. Our 
call at the White House was an agreeable one. General Grant 
alluding with interest to some incidents of our military inter- 
course, but no reference was made to my appointment. I 
returned to my home in Indiana, and in the first diplomatic 
nominations sent to the Senate after the President entered 
on his second term my name was included as Envoy Extra- 
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Mexico. 

Before I left Washington an incident occurred which of- 
fered an entirely different turn to my diplomatic career. Sen- 
ator Morton informed me that President Grant had decided 
to appoint Hon. John A. Bingham of Ohio Minister to Japan, 
and that Mr. Bingham had requested him to ask me if, with 
the President's approval, I would be willing to change places 
with him and allow him to go to Mexico, the two positions 
being of the same rank and emoluments. I asked the Sena- 
tor why Mr. Bingham desired the change and was told that 
he, being an old man, feared that, Japan being so far away 
and a country with which we had so little intercourse, he 
would be forgotten by his friends and constituents at home. 
Upon reflection it occurred to me that the reason had more 
force with a young man who looked forward to a career in 
his own country, and I excused myself from the proposal. 

Mr. Bingham was a man of marked ability and had en- 
joyed a long and honorable public service. In the Congress 
of the United States just closing he had supported the law 



6 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

known as the Salary Bill, which not only increased the pay 
of members of Congress, but was retroactive in its effect. 
It proved an unpopular measure, was in the campaign 
termed the " Back-Pay Grab," and contributed to the defeat 
of Mr. Bingham and many other congressmen who supported 
it. His standing was so high with his party and in the coun- 
try that the President's action in appointing him Minister to 
Japan was generally commended. He remained in that po- 
sition for about twelve years, during a most important epoch 
in that country's history. He was enabled to render both to 
the United States and Japan valuable service, and was re- 
cognized by the Japanese as a wise counselor and constant 
friend. 

During my visit to Washington in preparation for my 
journey. Senator Morton manifested a warm interest in my 
mission and so continued up to the time of his death in 1878, 
regarding with personal pride whatever success I attained. 
I was greatly grieved at his death, as I was more intimate 
with him than any other of our great men. He was truly one 
of our greatest statesmen and patriots. Senator Hoar has 
recorded in his " Autobiography" that " Morton as a great 
party leader had no superior in his time, save Lincoln alone." 
President Roosevelt, nearly thirty years after his death, in a 
public address, said, " When history definitely awards the 
credit for what was done in the Civil War, she will put the 
services of no other civilian, save alone those of Lincoln, 
ahead of the services of Governor Morton." 

As I now recall my hesitation to assume the duties of such 
a responsible and untried position as the mission to Mexico, 
I see that I was not without some preparation, and that I 
possessed an experience of the world and of pohtical affairs 
which was second only in value to actual diplomatic serv- 
ice. I had the benefit of a worthy ancestry, which should 
always exercise an important influence upon character and 
ability. My paternal grandfather was an English farmer, who 




^t^r^i^^z^^t^ 



I ENTER THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 7 

during the industrial depression occasioned by the Napoleonic 
wars sold his small possessions and emigrated to America 
early in the last century, bringing his family, among them my 
father, then in his boyhood. The latter at the age of seven- 
teen left the temporary home in the Mohawk Valley, New 
York, and on foot and alone started for the great Western 
country, in search of a suitable location where lands could 
be obtained from the Government, on which to provide a 
home for his aged parents and build up his own career. 

After traversing, with knapsack on his back, the inter- 
vening country as far as St. Louis, Missouri, he decided upon 
a location in southern Indiana, returned to New York, and 
brought out the family to the new home, where he had se- 
cured an eighty-acre tract of land in the virgin wilderness. 
There in a log cabin built with their own hands the family 
began their new life. My father soon became a large farmer, 
and collecting together his products and those of his neigh- 
bors he floated them down the White, the Wabash, and the 
Ohio rivers, tributaries of the Mississippi, and thence to 
New Orleans, and in the days before steamboats were com- 
mon brought back the proceeds in Spanish gold coin on foot 
to his Indiana home, a distance of twelve hundred miles. 

This employment led into mercantile life and his location 
at Evansville, then a growing town, now a city of no mean 
proportions. He acquired such knowledge of law as led his 
neighbors to make him a county or probate judge ; he was 
active as councilman, bank du-ector, church and school trus- 
tee, and in all movements for the betterment of his commun- 
ity. Before he left England he had served an apprenticeship 
in a book-store, besides which his education was only such as 
he gained in the scanty leisure of his hardy life. He was a 
great reader, his favorite books being the Bible, Shakespeare, 
and Burns, much of which he freely recited from memory. 
He became an intense American and was active in politics, 
especially in the anti-slavery crusade 



8 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

My maternal great-grandfather served in the Virginia 
contingent of the Revolutionary army. My grandfather 
migrated from Kentucky to Indiana soon after it was or- 
ganized as a Territory, acted as secretary to its first governor, 
General Harrison, participated with him in the Tippecanoe 
campaign against the Indians, was a member of the conven- 
tion which framed the first constitution of Indiana, and 
served frequently as a member of the State Legislature. My 
mother died in my childhood, but not until her devotion, 
her gentleness, her intelligence, her deeply religious life had 
been indelibly fixed in my memory. Among such associa- 
tions and fed upon the narrative of the experiences of such 
an ancestry I grew up to manhood. 

My collegiate education was pursued at the State Uni- 
versity of Indiana, from which I graduated as valedictorian 
of my class in 1855, at the age of nineteen, I attended the 
Harvard University Law School for one year, spent one year 
in a law office at Cincinnati, was admitted to practice law 
at the age of twenty-one, and located at my home in Evans- 
ville, Indiana. In the first years of my profession I was 
associated as partner with Conrad Baker, one of the leading 
lawyers of the State, a man of the highest qualities of citizen- 
ship, afterwards Governor of the State and senior partner of 
Thomas A. Hendricks. Something of the character of the 
man may be seen when I state that, while serving his term 
as governor, he was offered by his party adherents in the 
legislature the post of United States Senator, which he de- 
clined, on the ground that the people of the State had elected 
him governor and it was his duty to fill out the term. 

The slavery agitation was the burning political question 
during my college days and early manhood. My home dis- 
trict, bordering on Kentucky and settled largely from the 
slave States, sjonpathized with the pro-slavery cause ; but, 
following my father's views, in college I was so ardent an 
anti-slavery advocate that I was ranked as an "abolition- 



I ENTER THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 9 

ist," a term of opprobrium in that day and in that community. 
In the Fremont presidential campaign, I participated as 
actively as I could as a minor, and in the exciting Lincoln 
campaign of 1860, I gave much of my time to the organiza- 
tion of the Republican party, — then largely in the minor- 
ity in my section, — and in addressing the people at political 
meetings. 

My whole soul was enlisted in the anti-slavery cause, and 
when the Civil War, following the inauguration of President 
Lincoln, burst upon the country, my first impulse was to 
join the army of the Union, but for a few months I was 
constrained in my action. The rush of volunteers was much 
greater than the allotment in Indiana. I had just established 
myself in a little home, and it required a most grave necessity 
to have me leave my young wife and child. Besides I had 
no special taste for soldiering. But when the President's 
call for three hundred thousand men for three years' enlist- 
ment came, I saw that the rebellion meant a serious conflict 
and that the call was loudest upon those who had professed 
devotion to the anti-slavery cause. I enlisted in the army for 
three years, and without any solicitation on my part Gov- 
ernor Morton, who knew of my service in the Lincoln politi- 
cal campaign, sent me a commission as major of the Twenty- 
Fifth Indiana Volunteers. During my service of three and 
a half years I participated in many important engagements, 
commanded three different Indiana regiments, was brigade 
and district commander, and at the close of my service was 
at the head of a division of cavalry. I served under and 
was brought into personal contact and acquaintance with 
Generals Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Burnside, and other de- 
partment and corps commanders. My military life greatly 
enlarged my knowledge of men and gave me fuller con- 
fidence in myself. 

My early participation in party affairs had given me a 
taste for politics, and at the close of the Civil War I was 



10 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

naturally led to take a deep interest in the reconstruction 
questions which agitated the country. Yielding to this in- 
clination, I became the editor of the leading newspaper of 
my section of the State. Such a position affords one an ex- 
cellent opportunity to study the various political questions 
which arise in the country, and their editorial discussion 
tends to broaden and clarify one's ideas of public affairs. In 
the years succeeding the war I continued to give some 
attention to party organization, and, as stated, in the pre- 
sidential campaign of 1872 I was at the head of the Repub- 
lican State Committee. 

Through the management of the State campaign I was 
brought into personal contact with many prominent men of 
national reputation. Among these were, from my own State, 
0. P. Morton, R. W. Thompson, Schuyler Colfax, Beni. 
Harrison ; from other States, John Sherman, Henry Wilson, 
Geo. F. Boutwell, John A. Logan, John M. Harlan, B. H. 
Bristow, Wm. P. Frye, Zach. Chandler, Carl Schurz, Fredk. 
Douglass, Robert G. Ingersoll. 

My acquaintance with Jamee G. Blaine which continued 
to the close of his life began in this campaign, as will be seen 
from the following characteristic letter to me : — 

Augusta, Me., 10th Nov. 1872. 

My dear Sir: 

I cannot allow this great campaign to pass out of fresh 
memory without extending to you my very cordial congratu- 
lations upon the masterly manner in which you organized 
Indiana. 

With fourteen years' experience as Chairman of our own 
Committee I naturally observe somewhat closely the tides 
and currents in other States, and I know from my own. obser- 
vation and from what others told me that your work was 
done with wonderful thoroughness. It was my great desire 
to have got into your State and participated in your canvass 



I ENTER THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 11 

and especially to have had the pleasure of making your per- 
sonal acquaintance, but when I reached Ohio, they simply 
drafted me for the campaign vi et armis and I could not get 
away. 

If you visit Washington during the coming winter, I beg 
that you will do me the honor to call at my house — 821 
15th St., where you will find the latch-string out and on 
pulling it will meet a Western welcome. 

Very truly yours, 

J. G. Blaine. 
Hon. Jno. W. Foster. 

I called on Mr, Blaine in Washington the next winter, 
was very cordially received by him in the Speaker's Room, 
and invited to dine with him the same evening, saying there 
would be a company of gentlemen at his table whom he 
thought I would be pleased to meet. 

I cannot refrain from narrating an incident of that dinner. 
When Mr. Blaine went home from the Capitol he told Mrs. 
Blaine he had invited an additional number of gentlemen, 
among them the Secretary of the Navy, George M. Robeson, 
and that she must be sure to serve some Madeira, as that 
was the Secretary's favorite wine ; to which she replied that 
there was not a bottle in the house. " Well," he said, " send 
to the grocer and get some, as we must have it." 

The Speaker was m his best humor that evening, and as 
he looked down the table when the Madeira was being served, 
he saw the Secretary testing its aroma, whereupon he ar- 
rested the conversation of the guests by addressing the 
Secretary in a voice which attracted general attention: 
"Robeson, I hope you will like that Madeira, for it has a 
history " ; and then he proceeded to invent a story of how 
it belonged to a cask of a choice vintage which had made 
a trip around the world in a sailing-vessel to temper its 
quality, had been brought to Washington by a European 



12 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

diplomat, had been bought, at the sale of his effects when 
he left the country, by a retired commodore of the Navy, 
and lain in his cellar in Philadelphia for years, and that 
he, Blaine, had received from his friend the commodore, a 
few bottles, and this they were now drinking was the last of 
it. Secretary Robeson, who was a great connoisseur of wine, 
listened with marked attention, and responded that he knew 
from its delicate aroma and delicious taste it must have a 
history, and proceeded to praise it in extravagant terms. 
Mr. Blaine never omitted an opportunity when he found his 
friend in congenial company to tell the story on him. 

The brief review which I have given of my life up to my 
appointment as Minister to Mexico shows, I trust, that, 
while I had no personal knowledge of diplomatic service, 
I was not without some preparation for the new and im- 
portant duties which I was about to assume. My training 
as a lawyer, my early participation in the discussion and 
settlement of one of the most momentous questions which 
ever agitated a people, my army service, my editorial work, 
my activity in pohtics and intercourse with public men, 
all tended to prepare me for the untried service upon which 
I was then to enter. Had I begun my career after college 
graduation by appointment as a Secretary of Legation, for 
instance, and risen by long service and merit to the mission 
to Mexico, I would have been free from the misgivings and 
trepidation which marked my acceptance of the appoint- 
ment, for I would have been thoroughly versed in the routine 
duties ; but I might not have possessed that strength of char- 
acter and ability to meet men in the discussion of weighty 
matters which I had acquired by the experiences through 
which I had passed. 

I am a strong advocate for the establishment of a regular 
career for the diplomatic service of the United States; I 
would have all Secretaries of Legation enter the service 
through a competitive examination ; continue in office during 



I ENTER THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 13 

good behavior ; and, as they should prove worthy, have them 
promoted to Ministers. But I doubt whether the time will 
ever come when our Government will think it wise to confine 
the appointment of Ministers and Ambassadors entirely to 
promotions from the posts of Secretary. It has never been 
so in the Governments of Europe where the regular diplo- 
matic career has long been an established system. Many 
of their most useful and distinguished diplomats have been 
those who never entered the service through a competitive 
examination, but who were appointed from other branches 
of the public service or from private life. 

After I received official notice of my nomination I had 
the usual experience of newly-appointed Ministers. I went 
to Washington to pay my respects to the President, make the 
acquaintance of the Secretary of State and his subordinates, 
and to receive my instructions. My first visit to the Secre- 
tary of State, Hamilton Fish, could not have been more 
satisfactory or reassuring. I shall have occasion to refer 
again to this useful and distinguished statesman. 

During this visit to Washington I had my fii'st experience 
of a diplomatic dinner. Sefior Don Ignacio Mariscal was then 
the resident Mexican Minister. He had been almost contin- 
uously in the service of Mexico at Washington since 1863 
and was one of the best-known and most useful diplomats 
at the Capital. He received me on this visit with the utmost 
kindness and did everything possible to prepare for me a 
hearty welcome at the City of Mexico. Before leaving the 
city he gave a dinner in my honor, to which he invited a 
number of Latin-American and European diplomats. As I 
had never before been in such society, I confess to a feeling 
of considerable awe and strangeness, where insignia and 
decorations of nobility and orders were conspicuous, and 
where Spanish and French were the languages most used, 
with both of which I was then unfamiliar. 

In this visit to Washington I had a foretaste of the duties 



A. I 



14 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

which occupied much of my time and occasioned me no small 
embarrassment during my official residence in Mexico. I 
was waited upon by various American citizens or their at- 
torneys, who sought to enlist my interest in claims against 
the Government of Mexico, growing out of injuries alleged 
to have been sustained to their persons or property and for 
which they maintained that Government was responsible. 
Among these callers was General B. F. Butler, then a mem- 
ber of Congress, a political and Civil War celebrity. When a 
law student at Harvard University I had frequently seen him 
in the Boston courts in contests with Ruf us Choate and other 
prominent lawyers. The reputation he had then of being 
a very shrewd but not over-conscientious individual had 
followed him through life, and was confirmed in the somewhat 
lengthy interview I had with him about his claim, which 
grew out of a contract which a company, of which he was 
the most prominent member, had with the Government of 
Mexico for the colonization of Lower California. After some 
years the Mexican Government annulled the contract on the 
ground that the company had failed to comply with its con- 
ditions and that it was really a filibustering scheme to annex 
Lower California to the United States. The General and 
his company gave the Department of State much trouble, 
but they were never able to fix any responsibility on the 
Mexican Government. 



CHAPTER II 

THE MISSION TO MEXICO 

While in Washington, receiving the instructions for my mis- 
sion, I renewed my acquaintance with General Wilham T. 
Sherman, then General-in-Chief of the Army of the United 
States. Early in the war I was under his immediate command 
and in daily association with him at Benton Barracks, St. 
Louis, when he was under a cloud, being regarded as having 
an unbalanced mind, because he first of all our leaders real- 
ized the magnitude of the rebellion and had the courage to 
make known his views to the authorities at Washington. I 
afterwards served under him at the battle of Shiloh and in 
the advance on Corinth, as also later in East Tennessee. He 
received me in Washington with the hearty hospitality which 
characterized him, and at one of our meetings he inquired 
by what route I expected to go to Mexico. At that period 
the only regular communication from the Atlantic States 
was by steamer sailing from New York once in three weeks 
for Vera Cruz, via Havana and intermediate ports, the jour- 
ney occupying about fourteen days. I told the General I 
should have to take that route. " That will never do," he 
said. " I will speak to Robeson [Secretary of the Na\y] and 
have a man-of-war sent to New Orleans to take you to 
Vera Cruz." And he was as good as his word, for in a few days 
I had official notice from the Navy Department that a naval 
vessel would be at New Orleans at a date to be agreed upon 
to carry me to Mexico. 

New Orleans in those days was seeking to recover its com- 
mercial prestige, diminished by the war and the reconstruc- 
tion era, and was looking hopefully to Mexico for new ave- 



16 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

nues of trade. The Chamber of Commerce, anticipating my 
arrival, had prepared for me a reception, at which speeches 
were exchanged, in which on both sides were expressed great 
hopes of the early development of an intimate and profitable 
commerce between that city and the Mexican Gulf ports — 
hopes fondly cherished and repeatedly expressed in later 
years, but not yet realized. A committee of the Chamber 
of Commerce conducted myself and family in a commodious 
steamer to the mouth of the Mississippi, where we were to 
meet the naval vessel, and entertained us en route with a 
sumptuous lunch, which proved a preparation ill fitting us 
for our first journey on the sea. 

When we reached the mouth of the great river, a stiff breeze 
was blowing and the man-of-war lay at quite a distance 
outside the bar, and to her we had to be transferred in small 
boats. This passage in the rough sea was too much for us 
landsmen. I was barely able to receive the honors which the 
punctilious commodore had prepared for the Envoy Extra- 
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, and when they were 
over I "went below," not to reappear till we were in sight 
of the harbor of Vera Cruz. 

On my arrival in the City of Mexico I was welcomed at the 
railway station by my predecessor, Hon. Thomas H. Nelson, 
and every needed courtesy extended to me by him, even the 
unusual one of accompanying me to the National Palace and 
introducing me to the President, at the ceremony of the pre- 
sentation of my credentials. He might have felt justified in 
treating me with cold civility, as we were both citizens of the 
State of Indiana and acquaintances of several years' stand- 
ing. He desired to remain in the service, had been longer 
prominent in politics than I, and might have pleaded greater 
services to the party. When the Mexican Mission was sug- 
gested to me by Senator Morton, I expressed a reluctance 
to its acceptance because an Indianian and a friend held the 
post, but the Senator said the President had decided upon 



THE MISSION TO MEXICO 17 

a change, and it would be filled by another if I did not 

take it. 

Mr. Nelson had for six years previous to his appointment 
to Mexico served as Minister to Chili. He was thoroughly 
patriotic, an ardent American, distinguished as an orator, of 
genial manners and convivial habits which made him popu- 
lar in social and diplomatic circles. He was not a student, 
and hence failed to master the subjects he had in hand ; added 
to which a certain triviality of temperament possibly led to 
his retirement from the service. In diplomacy, as in most 
other pursuits of life, strict devotion to duty and a mastery 
of the matters one has in hand usually lead to success. 

I was fortunate in finding in charge of the Mexican De- 
partment of Foreign Affairs an accomplished scholar and 
a cultivated gentleman. Seiior Don Jose M. Lafragua, Min- 
ister or Secretary of the Foreign Office, was a lawyer by 
profession, of high literary attainments, an historian, and a 
statesman of much experience. He was a fine type of the old 
Spanish hidalgo, courtly in his manners, always dressed in 
a black broadcloth suit, with a stiff stock about the neck, 
and wore colored spectacles. The following, somewhat ab- 
breviated, was the introductory part of our first meeting 
and conversation. I was accompanied to the Foreign Office 
by the Secretary of the Legation, who spoke Spanish fluently. 
After being presented and seated, the Minister addressed 
me an inquiry in Spanish. 

The Secretary interpreted it: "The Minister says he hopes 
Your Excellency is well." 

I replied: "Tell the Minister that I am in perfect 
health." 

The Secretary to the Minister: "His Excellency requests 
me to say that he is in perfect health." 

Another inquiry from the Minister in Spanish which the 
Secretary interpreted: " The Minister desires to be informed 
as to the state of health of Seiiora de Foster." 



18 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

I replied : ''Say to the Minister that I am pleased to inform 
him that Mrs. Foster is very well." 

The Secretary to the Minister : " His Excellency says he 
is pleased to inform the Minister that Mrs. Foster is very 
well." 

Another question from the Minister interpreted by the 
Secretary: "The Minister asks respecting the health of His 
Excellency's children."^ 

I answered : " Kindly assure the Minister that my children 
are in good health." 

The Secretary to the Minister : " His Excellency asks me 
to assure the Minister that his children are in good health." 

The Minister then drew from a side-pocket a beautiful 
cigarette-case, opened it, and, extending it to me, said in 
Spanish interpreted by the Secretary, "Will His Excellency 
do me the favor to accept a cigarette? " 

The Secretary: "The Minister asks Your Excellency to do 
him the favor to accept a cigarette." 

I responded: "Beg the Minister to excuse me and make 
my apology that I never smoke." 

The Secretary to the Minister: "His Excellency begs the 
Minister to excuse him and requests me to apologize that 
he never smokes." 

Again the Minister speaks and the Secretary repeats : " The 
Minister directs me to ask if smoking is offensive to Your 
Excellency." 

I said : "Assure the Minister that on the contrary tobacco 
smoke is quite agreeable to me." 

The Secretary to the Minister: "His Excellency says that, 
on the contrary, tobacco smoke is quite agreeable to him." 

Whereupon the Minister, rising, extends the cigarette- 
case to the Secretary, addressing him in Spanish, the latter, 
better trained than I in diplomatic ways, accepts a cigarette ; 
the Minister strikes a match, lights the Secretary's cigarette 
and one for himself, they are seated, and after some further 



THE MISSION TO MEXICO 19 

inquiries of me, duly interpreted by the Secretary, as to the 
experiences of our journey, in which several more minutes 
were consumed, I was permitted to state the business which 
brought me to the Foreign Office. 

In the hundred and more visits which I made to Sefior 
Lafragua, the conversation which I have quoted above, 
with the cigarette episode, was invariably repeated almost 
verbatim. After a few such calls, I found that I must either 
learn Spanish or accustom myself to the use of the cigarette. 
I chose the former alternative, and after some months of as- 
siduous study and practice, I was enabled to carry on a con- 
versation at the Foreign Office without the aid of a secre- 
tary, and in due time began to appreciate the value in my 
mission of a free use of the language of the country. An 
ambitious diplomat would doubtless have accepted the 
two accomplishments of the service, and made use of the 
cigarette-case as well as the language. 

One of the matters which first commanded my attention 
after I was installed in the Legation at Mexico was to make 
the acquaintance of the American colony. I was told that 
there was no "American colony " worthy of the name. It 
is true there were few American residents compared with 
the present day. There was no railroad communication, and 
intercourse between the two countries was dependent on 
ships from New York at rare intervals and travel overland 
through the sparsely settled regions of the frontier. I had, 
however, little trouble in finding quite a number of country- 
men in the City of Mexico and its vicinity.^ 

* In a dispatch to the Department in 1875, I made the following 
report : " The number of adult Americans at present residing in the 
Federal District (the Capital and vicinity) is about one hundred and 
thirty, of wliich sixty are heads of famiUes, representing an American 
population of almost three hundred and fifty. The occupations of 
these residents are : A few merchants, several teachers and professors 
in private and public schools, editors, officers and employes of the 
Mexico and Vera Cruz Railroad, civil engineers, superintendents of es- 
tates, mechanics and laborers." 



20 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

My credentials to the Government were presented June 16, 
1873, and I issued an invitation to all the male Americans, 
whose addresses I could ascertain, within easy reach of the 
Capital, to meet me at dinner on the Fourth of July in cele- 
bration of the national anniversary. Between fifty and sixty 
citizens responded to the invitation. The unusual event, 
celebrated in one of the tivolis or restaurants in the suburbs 
of the city, attracted general notice and favorable comment 
by the native and foreign press of the Capital. The "Two 
Republics," edited by an American, said: "It was a joyous 
occasion replete with harmony, patriotism, and American 
fellowship — a proud exhibition which has not been witnessed 
in this Capital, lo ! these many years. . . . This day marked 
a new era of American nationality in Mexico, which had been 
allowed, disgracefully, to dwindle into comparative insigni- 
ficance." The writer of this notice was an ex-Confederate 
major, who came to Mexico at the close of our Civil War 
rather than live under the Government of the restored Union. 
There were quite a number of other ex-Confederate soldiers 
present at the dinner, and none were more enthusiastic 
participants in the national festival. 

As indicating my purpose in giving the entertainment, my 
readers will indulge me in a little "Fourth of July oratory" 
by reproducing my introductory remarks on the occasion : — 

Fellow CountrjTTien, — I had two objects in view in invit- 
ing you to meet me in this manner to-day. Being a stranger 
to every American citizen resident in Mexico on my recent 
arrival, I have adopted this method of making your acquaint- 
ance, and I congratulate myself on so large, intelligent, and 
respectable an assemblage of my fellow countrjTnen. I had 
been told that there were very few Americans in Mexico, 
and very little congeniality, sympathy, and sociability among 
them. I am sure the present company abundantly disproves 
that assertion. I am certain that what Amejica is and what 



THE MISSION TO MEXICO 21 

Americans have achieved at home and abroad offer no reason 
why we should be ashamed of our country, our citizenship, 
or of each other's society. I hoped by thus affording an op- 
portunity for Americans to meet together, we might become 
better acquainted with each other, promote social inter- 
course, and in some measure elevate the standard of Ameri- 
can citizenship in the place of our present residence. 

I regretted to learn that for many years there had been 
no general observance of our national anniversary by the 
Americans of Mexico as a body. I was unwilling that this 
Fourth of July should pass by without some commemoration 
of American Independejice, in which all its citizens would 
have an opportunity to unite. I am gratified that you have 
so heartily seconded my wish. Certainly there never was 
a time when Americans had more abundant cause to rejoice 
in their country's greatness and glory than to-day. 

Never has she occupied so proud a position among the 
nations of the earth. Never in her past history was there 
greater freedom, more perfect equality, observance of law 
and order, widespread intelligence and prosperity, peace and 
happiness than now. And coming as I do so recently from 
the United States, I am happy to assure you that the terrible 
wounds made in our country by the late Civil War are rapidly 
being healed ; the spirit of conciliation is fast taking the place 
of resentment; and, with solitary exceptions in a few locali- 
ties, there is a general disposition on the part of all our people 
to look, not to the past, but to the busy present and the future. 
The changed condition of the country and the constitution 
are accepted facts, and under the glorious old Flag of our 
Fathers and as one united and indissoluble nation, we are 
going forward in a grander career of progress, usefulness, 
and greatness than ever before. Whatever may be our party 
or sectional sympathies, I am sure that, away from our homes 
in this foreign land, we can sink them all in the higher and 
nobler sentiment of nationality, and regard each other as the 



22 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

honored members of one common family. I can assure you 
that officially and socially I will know you only as Americans. 

From that day forward to the present time, with few 
omissions, the national anniversary has been celebrated an- 
nually in the City of Mexico by the American residents, and 
its observance has had a healthful influence in keeping alive 
their attachment to their country and its institutions. I 
sought to make my entertainment of permanent value, and 
at the close of the dinner, before the guests dispersed, I sug- 
gested that they organize themselves into a society. I said 
to them that in my brief residence I had found that there 
were unfortunate countrymen often calling for needed re- 
lief. Thereupon all those present cheerfully united in form- 
ing the American Benevolent Society, sustained by annual 
dues ; which has proved a great blessing to many a stranded 
or sick American ; and the outgrowth of which is the excel- 
lent American Hospital in the City of Mexico. 

The Benevolent Society relieved me of many calls which 
are common to our legations abroad to aid distressed or 
impecunious countrymen, but it not infrequently came in 
my way to render needed and appreciated service. I give an 
instance by way of illustration. A young man just out of col- 
lege and with his "wild oats" not all sown, the son of a promi- 
nent and worthy citizen and proprietor of the leading news- 
paper in one of the large cities of the United States, induced 
his father to give him an outing to New Orleans. He there 
fell into the company of convivial companions. A steamer 
was sailing for Vera Cruz, and they told him of the great 
opportunities for business and speculations in Mexico, the el- 
dorado of adventurers. These stories recalled his reading of 
Prescott, and contrary to his father's expectations of an 
early return home, he took passage on the steamer to try 
his fortunes in the land of Cortez and the gold-hunters. He 
arrived in the City of Mexico fleeced of the money which was 



THE MISSION TO MEXICO 23 

to have taken him back home, and surrounded with dis- 
reputable associates. 

My attention was called to his wretched situation after 
he had been some time in the city. I had made the acquaint- 
ance of his father in the meetings of the Associated Press, and 
feeling a personal interest in the case, I brought about a visit 
by the young man to the Legation, and with the exercise 
of a little diplomacy extracted from him the story of his sad 
plight. He took my friendly advice in good part, and agreed 
to go back to his home if he could be provided with the 
means of doing so. I took him to one of the banks, had him 
draw a draft on his father, which I endorsed and had cashed 
for him. Under the oversight of a passenger going to the 
States, he took passage on the next steamer, and returned 
to his home. Some time after I heard of his marriage, and 
that he had settled down to succeed to the management of 
his father's business. 

In due time I received a most expressive letter from the 
father, thanking me for saving his boy, as he termed it, and 
hoping that an opportunity might come to him to repay my 
kindness. On my next visit to the United States he gave 
prominent editorial notice to it in his paper, and stated that 
my return had been made the occasion in the cities through 
which I had passed "of an ovation such as few public men 
receive in this country for having faithfully discharged the 
duties of their office." Not content with this somewhat 
imaginative account, he spoke of my record in the war, as 
a lawyer, and a diplomatist, and he referred to me as a citi- 
zen "of eminent scholarly attainments who had devoted 
much time to the archaeological history of America," a branch 
of knowledge to which I had given no attention, the grateful 
father in his zeal confounding me with a distinguished savant 
of the same name of another Stato ! So long as he lived, his 
paper never omitted an opportunity to speak kindly, even 
extravagantly, of my public services. 



24 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

In order to do my share in keeping fresh in the minds of 
my absent fellow citizens the festive institutions at least of 
our country, my first Fourth of July dinner was followed 
in November by the observance of the National Thanks- 
giving Day. All resident and visiting Americans were in- 
vited to the Legation on the evening of that day, and many 
of the Mexican official and private society attended. The 
President's proclamation was read, and patriotic songs and 
social gayety marked the occasion. Such meetings were held 
on each recurring Thanksgiving Day during my residence 
in Mexico. The President of the Republic, members of the 
Cabinet and of Congress, of the army and of unofficial society 
were often present, and thus had an object-lesson that our 
nation, though without a state church, was not without 
recognition of religion and of an overruling Providence. 

Washington's Birthday was marked by the annual meet- 
ing of the American Benevolent Society, and usually by a 
public reception and ball at the Legation. There being no 
suitable portrait of Washington available in the city, the 
Americans subscribed a fund and had a life-sized portrait 
of the Father of his Country painted by an eminent Mexican 
artist, and presented it to the Minister, to adorn the Lega- 
tion library and to to be used at the celebration of national 
holidays. 

Neither were the little folks neglected. On Christmas 
Day all the children of the American and English families 
and of other English-speaking residents were gathered at the 
Legation to enjoy the Christmas-tree and youthful sports. 
In addition to these annual gatherings, the Legation was 
opened informally on Tuesday evenings for the reception 
of such friends of the Minister's family as found it convenient 
to call. A smoking-room was at the service of the gentlemen, 
Mrs. Foster served a cup of tea and other light refreshments 
during the evening, and if the size and character of the com- 
pany warranted it the spacious Legation library was available 



THE MISSION TO MEXICO 25 

for a dance. These weekly Tuesday evening receptions were 
neither extravagant nor ostentatious, but they proved very 
popular and became quite a social feature of the Capital, 
affording the resident and visiting English-speaking and 
Mexican families an opportunity of making each other's 
acquaintance not often otherwise presented, and thus pro- 
moting better social relations. 

Observing the custom of the Catholic countries, Sunday 
in Mexico was made the social day of the week. After morn- 
ing service at the church, the remainder of the day was given 
up to visiting, dinner-giving, and private or public enjoy- 
ment, it being the day chosen for the bull-fights, and the 
theatres were open in the evening. Calls were made on us 
by foreigners and Mexicans on Sunday afternoons, but they 
were not returned by us on that day, nor did we accept 
invitations to breakfasts or dinners or give such entertain- 
ments. At home it had been our practice to observe Sunday 
as a religious and rest day, and we did not think it necessary 
to abandon our custom. Our friends in Mexico soon came to 
understand us, and in a little while we ceased to be embar- 
rassed by calls or invitations. We were regarded by them as 
a little odd, but we never found that we suffered thereby in 
their good esteem. 



CHAPTER III 

SOCIAL LIFE IN MEXICO 

To a foreign resident of Mexico in "the seventies" the ab- 
sence of facilities of communication with the outer world most 
impressed him. The one railroad in the country was that 
from the seaport of Vera Cruz to the Capital, two hundred 
and sixty miles in length. The only regular communication 
with the United States was by steamer leaving Vera Cruz 
for New York once in three weeks. The British Royal Mail 
steamer and the French line for St, Nazaire, making the 
itinerary of the West Indies, touched at Vera Cruz monthly. 
During the first years of my residence there was no tele- 
graphic communication with the outside world. Later an 
overland line was established, with a single wire running 
through the long stretch of desert and thinly settled country 
of Northern Mexico. In that timberless region the poles 
which supported the wire were of the most flimsy character 
and were favorite objects with which the range cattle 
scratched their backs. As a consequence the line was down 
more often than in working order. It was quite common 
for me to receive the confirmatory copy of official telegrams 
from the Department by mail, ten days from date, before 
the originals were delivered. Such a thing as the publication 
of telegraphic news in the press of the Capital was unknown 
in my day. 

Having been an editor and addicted to reading the news, 
on leaving for my mission I took the precaution to have 
myself supplied with the current periodical literature. Two 
daily papers from my home city were subscribed for, one from 
the State Capital, one from Washington, and two from New 



SOCIAL LIFE IN MEXICO 27 

York, besides a number of weekly and monthly journals 
and magazines. When our mail arrived from the United 
States by the New York steamer once in three weeks, it was 
dleivered to me literally by the bushel and sometimes even 
by the cartload. How to read up the news was a serious 
problem. My wife, with a woman's instinct to "get at things," 
went straight for the latest paper, but with my methodical 
training I began by arranging all my dailies in chronological 
order and reading up from the earliest to the latest dates, 
but it was tedious work and I soon abandoned that method. 

The Mexican postage at that period was a matter of some 
consequence. Every letter from the United States, in addi- 
tion to our domestic rate, was charged twenty-five cents 
per half-ounce. This charge constituted a considerable item 
in the Legation contingent account. 

In those days much the greater part of Mexican commerce ^ 
and correspondence was with Europe, and for the foreign 
residents the most important event was the arrival of the 
monthly European steamer. " Mail- week " was the busy time 
for the foreign bankers and merchants — that is, a few days 
before the arrival of the steamer in preparation for the out- 
going mail and the few days the steamer was lying in port 
awaiting the return mail from the Capital. In these circles 
all was confinement to office-work during mail-week. But 
after the mail had gone a season of relaxation and recreation 
followed, and it was taken advantage of for picnics and ex- 
cursions to the many attractive places in the Valley of Mexico 
or even across the mountains to the capital cities of Cuerna- 
vaca, Toluca or Pachuca, or to Puebla by rail. 

A large-hearted Scotchman had a cotton factory, with a 
commodious residence and beautiful garden attached, nest- 
ling among the foothills of the snow-clad volcanoes of Popo- 
catepetl and Iztaccihuatl, about ten leagues from the Capital. 
Here he had entertained Lieutenant U. S. Grant and other 
American officers of General Scott's army, on their way to 



28 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

an unsuccessful attempt to reach the peak of Popocatepetl. 
Here many a British- American party was entertained in my 
day. Texcoco, across the lake from the city, was also a fa- 
vorite object of a two or three days' excursion. A genial 
French mill-owner dispensed a cheerful hospitality at his 
home, surrounded by charming grounds, fountains and rivu- 
lets of mountain water. The Aztec ruins scattered over 
the hillsides in profusion afforded objects of interest; 
and the hacienda or plantation of a rich Spaniard near by, 
encircled by broad fields of grain and pulque (maguey) 
plants, afforded a most comfortable and welcome rest on the 
way. On the other side of the valley, favorite picnic resorts 
were the beautiful suburb of San Angel, where the mountain- 
stream, fresh from its fountain of snow, rushed over the cas- 
cade ; and " El Desierto," an extensive abandoned monastery, 
hid away in the dense forest high up on the mountain. 

These excursions about the valley were all made on horse- 
back, the gentlemen of the party invariably carrying fire- 
arms ; and when a foreign minister was of the party, the Gov- 
ernment sent along a mounted military escort- In the troub- 
lous times of the Lerdo Administration, and while the Diaz 
revolution was active, often even within sight of the Cap- 
ital the highwayman made the roads hazardous, and the kid- 
napper rendered residence in the country insecure. The mail 
coaches from the interior were not infrequently " held up" 
and the passengers came into the city with newspapers for 
their only apparel. On my first arrival I was entertained by 
the blood-curdling narrative of the kidnapping of a rich 
hacendado, or planter, almost under the shadow of the city 
gate and the horrible torture to which he was subjected in 
order to induce his friends to send the enormous ransom de- 
manded. Too often these inhuman outlaws were successful 
in extorting the ransom, but in this instance the kidnap- 
pers, thanks to the vigilance of the Government, were found 
and immediately, without trial or hearing, were placed 



SOCIAL LIFE IN MEXICO 29 

against a wall and shot to death. The condition of the coun- 
try at that time recalled the days of the old Hebrew judges, 
when it is recorded "the highways were unoccupied and 
the travelers walked through bj^ways." But this condition 
did not deter the foreign colony intent on an outing, and 
only seemed to add piquancy to the excursions. 

The American, English, German, and French residents 
found among themselves congenial society, but it was not 
so easy to break through the crust of the Mexican and Span- 
ish upper circles. As we came to speak the language and be- 
came more familiar with their customs, they began to come 
to the receptions at the Legation, and we were vrelcome 
guests in their homes; so that before we left the country 
many of our warmest friends were among the higher classes 
of Mexican society. There was a certain reserve in this so- 
ciety towards foreign acquaintance, but when this was over- 
come they were found by us most cordial and hospitable. 
The more wealthy Mexican families lived in commodious 
mansions; once in a few years they gave a grand "tertulia" 
or evening party and ball, but dinner-giving to which for- 
eigners were invited was not common among them. On their 
haciendas, or country estates, however, they dispensed a 
prodigal hospitality, to which foreigners were often welcome 
guests. 

Dinner-giving was quite in vogue with a few of the foreign 
families and members of the diplomatic corps, but the cuisine 
of most households was limited, and social clubs were not 
organized till a later date, \^^len a large dinner or banquet 
was to be given resort was often had to the use of the popu- 
lar restaurants or tivolis in the suburbs. I recall a dinner 
served by Poraz, the French proprietor of the leading tivoli, 
because it was vividly impressed on all the participants. A 
Scotch gentleman from California, with a charming American 
wife, had been spending some months in Mexico seeking a 
railway concession. In return for many courtesies received, 



30 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

he gave a large entertainment, or "breakfast," as it was 
termed, at this tivoH. The ladies and gentlemen were in- 
vited for twelve, noon, but did not sit down at the table 
till one o'clock. It was a long course dinner, as was the custom 
at such feasts there, interspersed with toasts and speeches 
in great variety. The dinner was a good one, well served, but 
a little tedious, as we did not rise from the table till after 
5 o'clock; its most notable feature was a beautiful Sevres 
china service, which Poraz had just brought back with him 
from a recent trip to Paris, and used then for the first time, 
commanding the admiration and envy of the ladies espe- 
cially. 

But the entertainment was not yet ended, as we all re- 
paired to the holiche, or bowling-alley, or sat under the shade 
of the great trees of the garden, smoking, sipping cordials, 
or drinking tea and pousse-cafe. The company did not dis- 
perse till after six o'clock, quite a number, ourselves among 
them, hurrying off to the city to take a little rest and change 
our dress ; for we were invited by a diplomat to dine with 
him at 7 o'clock, as a farewell to the Scotch railroad promoter. 
With great exertion we reached the house of our host at the 
hour indicated, still sated with the tivoli breakfast, when 
we were ushered out to the dining-room, to be served by 
Poraz, on his new Sevres porcelain, precisely the same menu 
we had been regaled with at the tivoli only an hour or so 
before ! 

During the early part of my residence in Mexico the Dip- 
lomatic Corps was very small. This was occasioned by the 
overthrow of the so-called Empire and the execution of 
Maximilian. Those events were followed by the withdrawal 
of the British, French, Spanish, Austrian, and Belgian 
Ministers, all those nations having been concerned in the 
tripartite intervention of 1861 against the Liberal Govern- 
ment or associated with the maintenance of the Empire. 
The German and Italian Governments being free from those 



SOCIAL LIFE IN MEXICO 31 

entanglements, accredited Ministers to the Republic under 
Juarez ; and the Spanish, never very heartily in the inter- 
vention, soon afterwards sent a representative. These, 
with a Guatemalan, constituted the Diplomatic Corps on 
my arrival. 

Because of the absence of representatives of the leading 
European Powers, there was thrown upon the Legation of 
the United States a large amount of unofficial duties. I was 
called upon from time to time to exercise my good offices 
with the Mexican Government, by eight different countries, 
to wit. Great Britain, France, Austria, Belgium, Switzerland, 
Russia, Sweden, and Japan. And as it became necessary 
for the Mexican Government also at times to communicate 
with some of these countries, my good offices were invoked 
by it for such purpose. 

I was asked most frequently to act in behalf of British 
interests. The first note I addressed to the Mexican Foreign 
Office was in behalf of a British mercantile and banking house, 
which was seeking to establish a large claim for damages 
caused by the acts of the Mexican authorities. British 
bankers, merchants, and mining companies were established 
throughout the Republic, and during my entire term of 
service I was repeatedly called upon to interpose in their 
behalf. 

My relations with the British residents were quite intimate 
and cordial, they regarding me as their de facto Minister, and 
the London Foreign Office made frequent expressions of 
appreciation of my service, which it would have put into the 
form of decorations ; but that, happily for the good of our 
foreign service, is not permitted by our Government. From 
the other Governments named, I also received repeated ex- 
pressions of thanks for the good offices rendered to their 
subjects and their interests. 

The French population of Mexico was more numerous than 
the British, but was not of such a character in its business 



32 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

relations as to require so much of my time, although I was 
frequently called upon for my good offices, as in the case of 
the French Sisters of Charity, related in the next chapter. 
These Sisters before their departure sent a delegation to 
the Legation to express their thanks for my interposition. 

The diplomatic estrangement caused by the overthrow of 
the Maximilian regime passed away with the lapse of time, 
and during the successful administration of President Diaz 
all of the leading Powers not only of Europe but of the world 
have established permanent relations with his Government. 
By the changes of the representatives and my higher rank, I 
soon became the dean of the Diplomatic Corps. My relations 
with my colleagues were always of the most cordial charac- 
ter. The first German Minister during my residence, Count 
Gustave Enzenberg, was an experienced diplomat and culti- 
vated gentleman, but somewhat eccentric. He wore pro- 
minent scars on his face, not indicative of military service, 
but caused by dueling in his student days. At the age of 
seventy-six he became enamoured with his niece, of less 
than half his age. Because of his Protestantism and the 
consanguineal relation, a dispensation from the Church had 
to be obtained, the niece being a devout Catholic, and he did 
not hesitate to complain to his intimate friends that it was 
a very costly proceeding. The marriage ceremony, which 
was celebrated in the private chapel of the Archbishop, took 
place at four o'clock in the morning. At his special request 
the Diplomatic Corps attended in full uniform. As a diplo- 
matic costume is forbidden in the service of our Government, 
I gratified the old Minister by appearing in the military 
uniform I wore in the army. As the wedding occurred in the 
early morning after our National Thanksgiving Day, which 
we were celebrating with a ball in the Legation, we "made 
a night of it," and went from the ball to the Archbishop's 
palace. 

Another narrative of my relations with my venerable 



SOCIAL LIFE IN MEXICO 33 

colleague may be related, because it illustrates the defects 
in my education and also the weather conditions in Mexico. 
The Count was passionately fond of music, especially of the 
German masters. A countr3mian of his, a professional of 
some note, was in the city, and he invited a select party of 
his friends to a private musicale in the Legation. It was in 
the rainy season, and about an hour before the time fixed for 
the entertainment the windows of heaven were opened and 
such a torrent of rain came down as had not fallen for years. 
The city was in those days practically without sewers, and 
the streets were so flooded it became hazardous to make the 
journey to the Legation in the darkness. 

It was out of the question for Mrs. Foster to go, but fear- 
ing the Count might be disappointed by others of his guests, 
I decided to attend, thinking to excuse myself and slip away 
after the musicale was begun. But lo ! I was the only one of 
the guests who appeared, the elements were so threatening. 
I supposed the entertainment would be postponed, but, no ; 
the Count's passion for music would not permit the opportun- 
ity to pass, and so the entire recital was gone through with, 
and there being no chance for me to escape as I had planned, 
J was compelled to sit through two hours and listen to class- 
ical music which I could not enjoy, as I was utterly untu- 
tored in the art and could hardly distinguish one note or tune 
from another. My host, however, was enthusiastic. When 
the last note sounded, I would gladly have taken my leave, 
but a siunptuous supper had been provided, and my hospit- 
able host would not allow me to go till that was served. Some 
time after midnight I managed to reach the Legation in 
safety, much to the relief of my anxious wife, who had looked 
for my early return. 

The renewal of diplomatic relations with the European 
Governments, which had been broken o& on the death of 
Maximilian, has already been mentioned. The last of those 
to reestablish relations was Austria, whose archduke had 



34 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

been so ruthlessly slain by the Republican Government of 
Mexico. This was brought about by the delicate attentions 
of the Mexican Government and the honors paid by the army 
at the dedication of the memorial chapel which had been 
erected at Queretaro on the spot where Maximilian was shot. 
A strange sequel has followed the renewal of relations. 
The first Mexican Minister appointed to Vienna died there 
after only a two days' illness, within four months after his 
arrival ; and his successor, Don Jose de Zenil, a diplomat of 
culture and experience, had a still more frightful experience, 
being found dead in his bed one morning soon after his ar- 
rival at his post. The Mexicans are possibly not over-super- 
stitious, but they have come to regard Austria as fated to bring 
misfortune on their country, the sudden deaths of those two 
Ministers have added to that conviction, and Vienna is no 
longer regarded as a desirable post by Mexican diplomats. 



CHAPTER IV 

ON HORSEBACK AMONG THE MOUNTAINS 

Combining a study of the country with recreation, we had 
frequent resort to excursions or journeys to the more distant 
States of the Mexican Republic. One of these was a horse- 
back trip from Cordova to Jalapa, in the State of Vera Cruz. 
I find an account of it, written by me at the time, in a letter 
to one of my daughters, then at school in the United States. 
As it gives my fresh impressions of the journey, although 
somewhat familiar in style, I transcribe it. 

Vera Cruz, Mexico, January 13, 1875. 
My dear Edith — Your mamma and I are here on our 
way back to the Legation from a long horseback trip, and 
as we have an opportunity to send letters by an English 
steamer going to Galveston this afternoon, I thought I 
would write you a hurried account of it. 

We left Mexico City just ten days ago and came down to 
Cordova, where we arrived at half-past one in the afternoon. 
Dr. Russell had our horses and guide all ready, and as soon 
as we had our dinner we left on our trip, intending to ride 
along the mountains to Jalapa, more than a hundred miles 
away. Our party consisted of Mamma, Mr. Gibbon [my pri- 
vate secretary], myself, our guide, and an arriero [a pack- 
driver]. As every one said the route was safe, we did not 
take an escort, although the Government offered one. As 
we were to be entertained at haciendas on the way, we feared 
the soldiers might be a burden to our hosts. 

Mamma brought her saddle with her, but the rest of us 
rode on Mexican saddles. You would have enjoyed seeing 
us starting out from Cordova, all of us with broad-brimmed 



36 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Mexican hats and riding accoutrements, and our baggage 
strapped on to the pack-horses — a novel sight for Ameri- 
cans, and we even attracted much attention from the natives. 
Cordova is near three thousand feet above the sea and we 
had to ascend eight thousand feet, and ride up and down the 
mountain ridges. We had hardly passed through the lanes 
of Cordova before we began to ascend, and the bright sun- 
shine we had at starting was changed to lowering clouds 
which had suddenly blown up, and we saw the falling rain in 
the mountains. Into the rain we soon rode in our ascent and 
it continued with us during the rest of our ten-mile journey 
to our first night's halt, but we rather enjoyed it, as we were 
well protected by our rubber coverings, and were afforded 
peculiar views as the rain-clouds swept across the ridges 
and peaks. It was after dark when we reached the fuerta 
[entrance] of the hacienda of "Monte Blanco." 

The hacendado, Senor V., being advised by the military 
comandante at Cordova of our coming, was at the ^uerta to 
welcome us after our rainy ride, and he gave us a cheery 
reception. Our rubber coats and charravels were hardly off 
till we were served with wine, cognac, water, and cigars, and 
the house, all it contained and the servants, were given to us 
in the genuine Mexican style which you have heard. A good 
dinner was served us within a reasonable time after our 
arrival, and we were surprised to see how elegant it was, and 
so well served, in this solitaiy place high up in the moun- 
tains. An hour's talk after dinner, in which we had to make 
the best possible use of our Spanish, as none of the household 
speak a word of English ; and we were shown to our rooms 
with comfortable beds, and we enjoyed a good night's rest. 
This plantation house, still in good condition, was built in 
1740. 

We had intended to start the next morning at daylight, 
as we had a long and hard journey before us; but it had 
rained all nighty and they told us it would be very shppery 



ON HORSEBACK AMONG THE MOUNTAINS 37 

on the mountains and in the barrancas, and that we had bet- 
ter wait till after the sun was up. To the usual desayuna of 
pan y cafe there was added eggs and frijoles, in consideration 
of the journey before us. We had seen nothing of the haci- 
enda the evening of our arrival, and our surprise and enjoy- 
ment were the greater as we looked upon the charming view 
in the morning, just as the sun was lighting up the moun- 
tains and valleys thick with verdure. As we departed, the 
genial host did not allow us to take leave, but rode with us 
through his hacienda (it is four leagues long) to the last 
puerta. He made his company both interesting and instruct- 
ive, as he told us all about the method of cultivation and 
the products, which are coffee, sugar, tobacco, frijoles, and 
cattle. 

Our road all the way to Jalapa was only a mule-path, — 
a way that it was impossible for a wagon of any kind to 
travel, — almost all the time over the mountains and down 
and up barrancas, like the one you saw at Regla, near Pa- 
chuca. This is said to be one of the most picturesque rides 
in all Mexico. Sometimes we were down in the tierra caliente 
[hot land] and then up in an hour or two in the tierra tem- 
plada [temperate land], but all the time among orange, 
banana, or coffee groves, and most of the time in sight of the 
palm trees. In all this mountain region it rains a great 
deal more than in the tablelands of Mexico, and conse- 
quently the vegetation is much more fresh and green, and 
very rank. There are no bare mountains, like those on the 
high plains about Mexico City and all that region ; but the 
mountains and valleys are covered with a thick growth like 
that you saw about Cordova. 

After lea\dng the hospitable hacienda of Monte Blanco, 
we suddenly came upon a pueblo, a village of fifteen or twenty 
houses, "beautiful for situation," perched upon the moun- 
tain-side ; but not very attractive in its buildings, which were 
mainly of bamboo with thatched roofs. Yet surrounded 



38 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

with flowers and tropical vegetation (this is a region famous 
for wild orchids), the ride through its lanes was a charming 
experience. Outside the pueblo and across a plain of two 
miles, we came upon a barranca, not very deep but furnish- 
ing some beautiful prospects, with a clear stream dashing 
and foaming among the rocks, and not too large to ford on 
our horses. After climbing laboriously up its steep sides, 
we found another broad and fertile plain, under cultivation 
and full of Indians plowing with oxen. 

Beyond the plain our path led again up the mountains, 
and there, snugly ensconced among the foothills, we entered 
the town of Coscomatepec, a considerable place of fifteen 
hundred or two thousand people. On one side of the plaza 
was a fine large stone church, and on another the municipal 
building. Most of its houses were built of stone, or adobe 
[sun-dried brick], with tiled roofs, showing those evidences 
of town or city comfort, as the pueblos are mainly constructed 
of bamboo with thatched roofs. 

As our arriero had to have his pack-horses shod, in the hour 
of our stay we had an opportunity to examine the town. 
Wliat chiefly attracted our attention was the gambling be- 
ing conducted on the open street. The Mexicans are much 
addicted to gambling, but the old inhabitants tell me there 
has been a great change for the better in this respect among 
the people within the last generation. But we Americans 
cannot too severely criticise our neighbors in this matter, 
in view of the police reports of our cities. I recall also an 
experience I had on my first journey across our country 
to California the first year the Pacific Railroad was opened. 
We had to change cars at Ogden about midnight. As we 
alighted from the cars the night was made brilliant by a 
number of bonfires, and in front of each one was a gambling- 
table, with piles of gold double-eagles ($20 pieces), the 
gambling outfit, and the proprietor shouting his invitation 
to the game, which seemed to be well patronized. 



ON HORSEBACK MIONG THE MOUNTAINS 39 

One league beyond Coscomatepec brought us to the famous 
barranca of Jamapa, the view of which alone well repaid us 
for our journey. Its perpendicular descent is about one thou- 
sand feet, and its width at the top a little more than twice 
that distance, and it required just an hour for us to cross it. 
I can hardly give you an idea of its beauty and wild grandeur ; 
the narrow mule-path along its almost precipitous sides, a 
road hewn out of the solid rock in the time of the old Spanish 
viceroys, but now much neglected and out of repair; the 
luxuriant vegetation hanging from the crags and rocky sides ; 
the foaming, roaring torrent at the bottom, spanned by the 
substantial Spanish bridge ; the grand vista of snow-capped 
mountain and verdant valley — an experience long to be 
remembered by us. It seemed as if the descent was almost 
perpendicular, and from the top it looked as if it would be 
impossible to go down on foot, to say nothing of on horse- 
back: but we managed it in safety, although Mamma de- 
clared very often she and her horse would certainly go over 
the precipice to the bottom. Crossing the river on the arched 
stone bridge, we began the ascent, but it was slow and toil- 
some, and hard on our horses, along the zigzag path. 

It was near noon when we reached the top, and we were 
glad to dismount at the Indian village on the crest of the 
barranca and enjoy with a relish the luncheon we had 
brought with us, supplemented by the hot tortillas [large thin 
corn-cakes], just fresh made, served to us by an Indian wo- 
man. It was three more leagues to our stopping-place for the 
night, over a route equally as attractive as that of the fore- 
noon, over the ridges and through the valleys, till, climbing 
a mountain range about twenty-five hundred feet above the 
adjoining valley, suddenly the town of Huatusco burst on 
our view, a most romantic site, on an elevated plain, locked 
in as it were by the mountains, and almost hid with banana 
and mango groves. The only roads leading to it are mule- 
paths ; there is not a single wagon or cart in the place, and 



40 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

there probably never was one. It is one of the most beauti- 
fully situated towns or cities in the Republic, the Capital of 
the canton or district, with a population of seven or eight 
thousand people. It has an attractive plaza and quite an 
imposing church — the plaza is a feature of all Mexican towns 
of any pretensions and of the cities, and the church or the 
cathedral is the chief attraction ; and around the plaza are 
situated the church, the public buildings, and stores. Besides 
these, Huatusco had well-paved streets and substantially 
built private houses. 

The chief house of entertainment for travelers bore the 
strange sign of ''Posada Jonson," or, in plain English, 
"Johnson Hotel." The proprietor bears this English name, 
but can speak nothing but Spanish. His father settled in 
the country more than fifty years ago and married a Mexi- 
can woman. The son was born in this place and is a Mexican 
citizen. As you have never been in a country hotel in this 
land you may be interested if I describe it. 

Our whole cavalcade, in place of stopping at the front 
door to dismount, as at an American hotel, rode directly 
through its hospitably opened door into the square paved 
court, which is always found in large Mexican houses. This 
patio, or court, is inclosed by a building one story high, with 
a corridor or porch running all round the inside facing the 
court. Ranged in order were the rooms of the hotel, with 
a door and window opening on the corridor. A part of the 
corridor adjoining the kitchen is used as the dining-place, 
as in this warm climate it is pleasant to eat " in the open." 
On the opposite side or in a more distant part of the same 
building, opening likewise on the same patio, are the stables 
for the horses and other animals. In this posada we were well 
lodged for the night, with clean rooms, comfortable beds, and 
a fairly good table — a combination not always found in 
Mexican country hotels or lodging-houses. We were glad to 
dismount and make the most of the comforts mine host 



ON HORSEBACK AMONG THE MOUNTAINS 41 

Johnson had to offer us, as our day's journey had been a 
hard one. We had traversed twenty-four miles, but they 
were equal to double that number on a fair road. 

We were fortunately housed in good season, for soon after 
our arrival it commenced to rain, and continued all night 
almost without stopping. As a consequence it left the road 
in a miserable condition for our next day's journey, — wet 
and slippery over these mountain-paths, — but fortunately 
it was a short one, only fifteen miles, to the celebrated ha- 
cienda of Mirador. You will probably remember that the 
Count and Countess Enzenberg often talked of making a visit 
to this hacienda. They went down to Cordova last year, in- 
tending to go over to Mirador and spend a month or two there 
with their countrymen, but they had such bad accounts of the 
road, they gave it up and returned to Mexico. So we had a 
curiosity to turn off from the direct road to Jalapa and go to 
Mirador, and thus be able on our return to report to them. 

We were off early in the morning ; the road out of Hua- 
tusco, after crossing a barranca and river, led up the steep 
sides of a mountain range which it was almost impossible 
for our horses to ascend, as the clay bed of the road, wet with 
the rain of the night, was so slippery they could scarcely 
find a footing. But once on the top, we had a grand view. 
The fog of the early morning rising from the damp valley was 
just lifted above the town, which was brightly lighted up by 
the rising sun ; and for the first time on our journey the snow- 
capped volcano of Orizaba, towering majestically upwards 
eighteen thousand feet above the sea-level, was plainly visi- 
ble. It was a magnificent panorama. The fog like a fringed 
curtain hung over the town and valley ; and the volcano, 
clear white and solitary, standing high above it, was mon- 
arch of the scene. 

Our route lay across a succession of ridges, a constant 
change of steep, slippery ascents and descents, which proved 
a dangerous, tiresome journey, the anxiety of a fall only 



42 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

occasionally relieved by a short ride on the level crest of a 
ridge which gave us an opportunity to enjoy the charming 
scenery. But we were ready enough to pull up at Mirador and 
be greeted by the warm-hearted German proprietor and his 
family, who, advised the night before of our coming, had 
a good smoking-hot old-fashioned breakfast waiting for us, 
for which our four hours' hard ride had given us a good 
appetite. This hacienda, which is the prettiest we have yet 
seen in Mexico, is well named Mirador, — Prospect, or Out- 
look, — as the residence is situated on an oval-crested hill 
which overlooks the country for many miles in all directions. 
From the corridor on one side can be seen the volcano of 
Orizaba most grandly and also the Cofre de Perote, next to 
Orizaba the highest mountain in this region; Jalapa, the 
"garden city," up on the side of the sierra; and from another 
corridor can be seen sixty miles away on a clear day the ship- 
ping and lighthouse at Vera Cruz and the blue sea. 

This place is just between the iierra caliente and the tierra 
templada, and the climate is delightful. The garden, kept 
under fine cultivation, was a delight to see, and in this 
month of January as green and fresh and blooming as in 
summer. This is the largest coffee hacienda in the Republic. 
They have now three hundred thousand trees growing, ex- 
pect to plant this year fifty thousand more, and to have 
a yield from the present season of one hundred and fifty 
thousand pounds. 

The father of the proprietor wrote one of the best books 
on Mexico yet published. The family are intelligent and 
interesting people. Three of the daughters and a son are now 
in Germany at school, and in the spring the members of the 
family here will make a visit to Germany, leave the two girls 
now here and bring back the others. They are all well read 
in German and Spanish, and speak English flupntly. They 
treated us so kindly and appeared so glad to have us with 
them (they see very few foreigners) that we concluded to 



ON HORSEBACK AMONG THE MOUNTAINS 43 

stay over another day to enjoy their society, the beautiful 
scenery, and the dehghtful chmate. 

We were off at dayhght the morning after (the fifth day 
of our trip), for we had a long day's ride before us to reach 
the first comfortable hacienda on our route, a distance of six- 
teen leagues, or about forty-five miles. There was a large 
barranca immediately in front of Mirador, which we had to 
cross, and its sides were so steep we were forced to go down 
along it fifteen miles before we could find a crossing-place ; 
and then it was so steep on the other side that we had to 
get off our horses and climb up on foot a considerable part 
of the way. But we enjoyed it, as the scenery was very grand. 
This day the sun was very hot, as about noon we crossed 
a valley in the tierra caliente, and for two hours we suffered 
a good deal with the heat. We also had to cross a wide river 
on a halsa, a kind of rude raft or ferry-fioat made of poles 
tied together with withes or vines. Mamma insisted we should 
certainly drown, and held on to me tight with both hands 
till we reached the other shore. After climbing a high moun- 
tain, just at dark we reached the hacienda where we were to 
spend the night. It was the longest ride we had made, but 
had it not been for the hot sun we would have got along very 
well. My army campaigning was of value to me, as I stood 
the ride better than I had feared, as we all did ; but Mamma 
and Mr. Gibbon were so tired they could hardly wait for 
their suppers before they fell asleep. 

The next morning we were again in our saddles about 
daylight, and had another grand view of the sunrise in the 
mountains. After a three hours' ride we reached the beauti- 
ful city of Jalapa, the end of our horseback journey, having 
traveled in all about one hundred and twenty miles since 
we left Cordova. We found the Governor of the State of Vera 
Cruz, whose residence is here, had engaged rooms for us at the 
hotel, and we were soon rested from the fatigues of the trip, 
which proved the most enjoyable one we have yet made in 



44 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Mexico. We spent two days very pleasantly in Jalapa, of 
which I have not time to write you in detail. This is con- 
sidered the most beautifully situated city in all the Republic. 
Day before yesterday we came down to this place, riding 
half the way in a stage-coach, and half on a mule railroad 
they are building to Jalapa. The stage-ride was the roughest 
we have yet taken in Mexico, and Mamma said she would 
much rather have gone on horseback. We are quite enjoying 
our stay here at the oceanside. It is good to get a sniff of the 
fresh sea breeze. But I must close, as the gentleman who is 
to take this letter says the steamer sails within an hour. . . . 

Cordova, the city from which we started on the excursion 
just narrated, we found a very attractive place for short 
visits, as it is situated in a most picturesque region, just 
midway between the hot climate of the coast and the more 
vigorous climate of the tableland, and readily accessible by 
the railroad from the Capital. 

Notwithstanding its many attractions Cordova has for me 
sad memories. Before I entered the diplomatic service I had 
made the acquaintance of Fernando C. Willett, a young 
man who had come out to Indiana, having just graduated 
from a college in his native State of Vermont. He was younger 
than I, but his charming personality, his lovable nature, and 
his promising talents had greatly attached me to him. After 
I had been in Mexico two years a vacancy occurred in the 
secretaryship of the Legation. I had heard that owing to 
a pulmonary attack Willett had been compelled to give up 
the study of his chosen profession and gone to Colorado in 
search of health. At my request the President appointed him 
to the vacant place as Secretary of Legation, and upon the 
advice of his physician he accepted and came to the Capital 
of Mexico, all of us hoping and believing that its high and 
dry climate would agree with him, as it had with many others 
suffering from his malady. 



ON HORSEBACK AMONG THE MOUNTAINS 45 

For several months he was in apparent good health and 
the best of spirits, and made friends of all with whom he 
came in contact. But the insidious disease was still doing 
its work, and he was suddenly attacked with hemorrhages. 
The physician ordered him to the lower and milder climate 
of Cordova, where he came under the care and companionship 
of Dr. Russell, an American physician residing there. But in 
a little while Doctor Russell wrote me that poor Willett was 
gradually sinking and that some one should come to care 
for him. In those days there were no professional nurses 
in Mexico, and there was no one in the country upon whom 
he had a stronger claim than myself. For four weeks I was 
almost continuously at his bedside alone in a dismal posada, 
or hotel. It was a sad experience to see the life gradually 
fading out of that young manhood. Realizing the danger, he 
fought strenuously against death ; he was so anxious to live ; 
he told me why, and talked of his great projects in life. The 
end came about midnight, in a bare and comfortless room, 
with me alone to close his eyes. His body was taken to the 
City of Mexico and buried in the American military ceme- 
tery in the presence of a large concourse of friends. The 
American colony erected a becoming monument over the 
grave. Poor Willett's life did not end in that grave. Be- 
sides his firm faith in a blessed immortality, even in this 
world his sweet characteristics and high ambitions were 
imparted to a host of friends in whose lives his own was 
perpetuated. 

In addition to its charming features of vegetation, scenery, 
and chmate, Cordova has long been noted in Mexican polit- 
ical history. Early in the seventeenth century it was the 
winter resort of the Spanish viceroys, proving equally de- 
sirable as a refuge from the fever-stricken regions of the coast 
and the rarefied air of the Capital. Here Iturbide made the 
treaty or agreement with the Viceroy O'Donohu, in 1821, 
which led to Mexican independence and the Republic. Here 



46 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the French, English, and Spaniards halted in their tri- 
partite expedition in 1861. 

It was here that an ex-Confederate colony was located 
at the close of our Civil War. Quite a large number of the 
soldiers of ''the Lost Cause," among them Generals Price, 
Magruder, Reynolds, Shelby, and Governor Isham G. Harris 
(afterwards a member of the United States Senate), took 
refuge in Mexico, feeling they could not endure the Govern- 
ment of ''the Stars and Stripes." MaximiHan in 1865, then 
at the height of his power, caused to be set off and surveyed 
for these refugees some estates in the valley of Cordova to 
constitute an American colony. These estates had been con- 
fiscated by the Juarez Government as property mortgaged 
to the clergy. Each head of a family was assigned by Maxi- 
milian one hundred and sixty acres of land, and each single 
man eighty acres, on certain conditions as to settlement 
thereon, improvements, cultivation, etc. A considerable 
colony was at once established. Governor Harris was made 
alcalde, and active preparations for improvements and plant- 
ing of crops commenced. 

Before they had been on the ground long enough to gather 
the first crop, a raid was made on the colony by a band of 
Liberals, regarding them as Imperialists, and a large amount 
of stock and other property was seized and many colonists 
carried off as prisoners. They were finally released on con- 
dition of leaving the country, and were sent to the United 
States from Alvarado, or other Gulf ports. This raid so 
alarmed the remaining colonists that many of them aban- 
doned their lands ; and, on the fall of Maximilian, nearly all 
of them returned to the United States, and the colony 
proved a failure. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the ex-Confederates who 
had come to Mexico were considered as hostile to the Liberal 
Government, there is good reason to believe that President 
Juarez would have recognized the act of Maximilian in es- 



ON HORSEBACK AMONG THE MOUNTAINS 47 

tablishing the colony, would have protected the colonists in 
their titles, and encouraged the existence and growth of the 
enterprise, if any considerable number had remained, as it 
was so manifestly for the interest of the country. But as 
only two or three were left on their lands, it was useless to 
continue the effort on the part of the Government. Had the 
settlers been a little more persistent, there might to-day be 
a large and flourishing American colony in this rich and 
beautiful valley, engaged in the cultivation and exportation 
of this profitable crop. But I opine that when the keen edge 
of their disappointment over "the Lost Cause" was worn 
away by time, these true-hearted Americans began to long 
for their old homes and were quite willing to come under the 
old flag again. 

In my day there was only one of the old ex-Confederate 
colonists left. Dr. Russell of Alabama (whom I have already 
mentioned), who had served under General John T. Morgan, 
for so many years afterwards the distinguished Senator from 
Alabama, than whom no more ardent American could be 
found in the United States Senate. The Doctor was pretty 
thoroughly ''reconstructed," and he and I became intimate 
friends. He was largely engaged in coffee cultivation, and 
it was his ambition not to return to his native land till he 
could go back in a ship loaded with the product of his 
own lands. That day never came. He accepted the dolce 
far niente of that charming climate and scenery, lived a 
plain hfe, enlarged his coffee holdings from year to year, 
ministered gratuitously of his professional skill to the ills of 
the simple natives of his haciendas, and twenty-five years 
after I left the country he died in a ripe old age in his 
home in Cordova, highly esteemed and mourned by his neigh- 
bors and dependants. 



CHAPTER V 

MEXICO UNDER LERDO 

At the time when I began my residence in Mexico, the coun- 
try was still suffering from the long struggle of the Liberal 
party against the Clericals, in the War of the Reform, which 
began in 1857 and ended with the downfall and execution of 
Maximilian in 1867. The days of the pseudo-empire and the 
tragic death of the Emperor were fresh in the public mind, and 
I was often entertained by the participants with the narration 
of incidents of those stirring times. 

The President of the Republic to whom I handed my 
credentials, Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, had been one of the 
active leaders of the Reform or Liberal movement, and was 
generally credited with deciding the fate of Maximilian. 
Although Juarez, the head of the Liberal party and then the 
President, was a man of great sternness of character, he was 
much moved by the interposition of the Government of the 
United States in its effort to secure the peaceful departure of 
Maximilian from the country. Juarez highly appreciated the 
services which the United States had rendered the Liberal 
cause during the war, and was inclined to mercy ; but Seiior 
Lerdo felt that the Republic had suffered so much at the 
hands of the Monarchists, that such a punishment should be 
visited upon the leaders of the movement as would be an 
effectual warning against all future attempts to overthrow 
the democratic institutions of the country; and it was his 
firm attitude that brought about the execution of the chief 
of the short-lived empire. 

Lerdo had succeeded to the presidency on the sudden 
death of Juarez in 1872 ; and just before my arrival he had 



MEXICO UNDER LERDO 49 

been elected by an almost unanimous vote for another con- 
stitutional term of four years. One of the early acts of his 
second term was the promulgation, as a part of the Federal 
Constitution, of what are known as the Laws of Reform. 
These laws had constituted the battle-cry of the Liberal 
party when it began anew its contest against the Clericals in 
1858, they had been adopted into law in 1859, and after the 
overthrow of Maximilian they had been approved by the 
States as a constitutional amendment. In 1873 they were 
proclaimed with much ceremony as a part of the organic law. 

This act of proclamation was the final consummation of 
the great struggle of the Liberal party. The amendment 
declares the independence of each other of the State and 
Church, and forbids the passage of laws establishing or pro- 
hibiting any religion ; declares marriage a civil contract, and 
gives exclusive jurisdiction to the civil authority to celebrate 
this and all other civil personal acts ; prohibits the acquisition 
by religious institutions of real estate or of capital secured 
by mortgages, except for specific church uses ; abolishes all 
religious oaths ; and makes unlawful the existence of monas- 
tic orders. These provisions are also supplemented by 
laws which prohibit all religious processions or wearing of 
a monastic garb in public. 

I transmitted to Wasliington a copy of the President's pro- 
clamation embodying the Laws of Reform, which I charac- 
terized as the crowning act of triumph of the Liberal Gov- 
ernment in its long contest with the Conservative party. In 
response, I was instructed by Secretary Fish to communicate 
to the Mexican Government the congratulations of that of 
the United States on the adoption of the amendments, as a 
great step in advance, especially for a repubhc, and that in 
the experience of our country these measures had not tended 
to weaken the just interests of religion. 

The Government of Mexico was greatly gratified at this 
act of Secretary Fish ; the correspondence was by order of 



50 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

President Lerdo read by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the 
National Congress; the President of Congress, in the name 
of that body, expressed the gratification with which the 
assembly had received the congratulation, and by vote of 
Congress the correspondence was entered upon its journal ; 
and the act commanded general attention and comment 
throughout the country. This action of our Government 
was the more gratifying to the Liberal party of Mexico, as 
the Pope of Rome had denounced the Laws of Reform as an 
impious attack upon the Church, and the proclamation had 
stirred up anew the old religious fanaticism of the comitry and 
its hatred of the Government. 

All the monastic orders and religious communities had 
some time before been broken up and their members forced 
to leave the country or go into other occupations, with the 
exception of the Sisters of Charity, who had been tolerated 
because of their humane work in the hospitals and other 
charities. But now that the Laws of Reform had with so 
much pomp been incorporated in the Constitution, the Gov- 
ernment felt that consistency required that its provisions 
should be impartially enforced, and orders were issued that 
the Sisters of Charity should cease their vocation or leave 
the country. I was instructed by the Secretary of State, at 
the request of the French Government (there being no 
French Minister in Mexico), to intervene in behalf of the 
French members of the order, who constituted the majority, 
to secure a postponement of their departure. This I readily 
accomplished, as the Government granted them whatever 
reasonable time they desired. But the orders of the Govern- 
ment caused the adherents of the Church to break forth into 
new demonstrations of indignation. The opposition mani- 
fested itself most prominently in what were termed the 
"protests of the ladies," documents which were drawn up 
with the ostensible object of expressing sorrow for the de- 
parture of the Sisters of Charity, but whose real purpose and 



]VIEXICO UNDER LERDO 51 

effect were to attack and denounce the existing Government 
and weaken its influence with the people. These "protests" 
were largely signed and promulgated throughout the country, 
and embraced the names of the wives and daughters of many 
of the members of Congress and Federal officials, as well as 
leading citizens of influence and wealth. The subject was dis- 
cussed with great acrimony by the Conservative or Catholic 
press on the one side and the Liberal press on the other. The 
discussion had the effect of uniting the supporters of the 
Government in defense of the laws, which were regarded as 
the natural sequence of the great struggle through which the 
country had passed successfully. 

This manifestation was the last concerted effort of the 
Clerical party publicly to resist the enforcement of these 
important laws. While the great mass of the people remain 
faithful to the Catholic Church, they have accepted the 
result as an accomplished and permanent fact, and prelates 
and people have accommodated themselves to the changed 
conditions. Nor has the Church itself materially suffered by 
the change. A generation has passed since the proclamation 
of the Laws of Reform as a part of the Constitution, and the 
Catholic faith seems as strongly intrenched in the comitry as 
ever. The notable difference from the past is that the clergy 
have ceased to participate in or seek to control the political 
affairs of the nation. 

The long struggle for the separation of the Church from 
the State which resulted in the triumph of liberal principles 
was of great importance in promoting the peace and pro- 
sperity of the country, but the struggle was not confined to 
Mexico in its salutary influence. It was felt throughout all 
Latin America. When Juarez and his band of reformers first 
proclaimed the principle of "a free Church in a free State," in 
all of the Governments south of the United States on the 
Western Hemisphere the Catholic was the State religion, and 
none others were tolerated. The Liberal party in Mexico was 



52 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

fighting the battle of a "free State" for all of them, and 
to-day with few exceptions these Governments are entirely 
separated from the Church, and religious toleration 
prevails. 

In studying the institutions and customs of Mexico, my 
attention was given early to the political parties and the 
elections. Having taken some part in politics at home and 
having had charge recently of an electoral campaign, I was 
naturally interested in examining these institutions in our 
neighboring sister Republic, where by the Constitution the 
suffrage was made free and universal. I found that in the 
past twenty years the country had been divided into two 
parties, contending for great principles of government, vital 
to the peace and prosperity of the nation; but that those 
contests had been concluded, not by a resort to electoral 
campaigns and the ballot-box, but by an appeal to arms, and 
that the result was determined on the battlefield. 

^Vlien by the arbitrament of war the Liberals triumphed, 
the Conservatives not only laid down their arms, but they 
withdrew from all participation in poUtics and the exercise 
of the electoral franchise. Thenceforward the political cam- 
paigns became contests of persons, not principles, as the 
Liberal party alone participated in them. Worse than this, 
it seemed that there was a conviction among the electors 
that the party in power would control the result of the 
election in favor of its candidate, without regard to the bal- 
lots cast. So it was that on the fall of MaximiUan, when 
Juarez became a candidate for reelection, the friends of 
General Diaz, who were very numerous throughout the 
Republic, ralhed to the support of Diaz ; but before the cam- 
paign closed they alleged that they would be coerced by the 
Administration at the polls or defrauded in their ballots, 
and on that ground they declined to take part in the elec- 
tion, but in many sections of the country sought to organize 
an armed revolution. Just before I reached Mexico, Lerdo 




BENITO JUAREZ 

Indian President of Mexico, 1858-1872 



MEXICO UNDER LERDO 53 

had been declared elected with substantial unanimity, Diaz 
receiving only one vote in the Capital and a few dozen in 
the entire Republic, although it was known he had a large 
following throughout the country. 

During my seven years' residence in Mexico, I often visited 
the polling-places on election days, but I never saw a citizen 
deposit a ballot, and rarely did I find any persons at the 
polls besides the election officers. An American merchant, 
who had resided many years in the city of Oaxaca and pos- 
sessed the esteem of the people, in answer to my inquiry 
about the elections, said that one of the polling-places was 
always held near his store, and that he generally passed 
most of the election day chatting in company wdth the offi- 
cers of the ^'inesa" (election board). He stated that it was 
a very rare occurrence that any citizen came to the polls to 
vote, the only persons doing so usually being the officers of 
the election board, who went through the act with the most 
ceremonious gravity imaginable. Everybody understood 
that the elections were a farce, the officers "to be elected" 
were fixed upon by the Governor and a special circle, and 
the list was generally known before the election was held. 
In answer to a question, he said that an Indian (the large 
majority of the population being of that race) could not be 
induced to go to the polls, unless a rope was fastened around 
his neck with sufficient mule-power attached to overcome his 
muscular resistance. 

On my return to Mexico a few years ago, after a twenty 
years' absence, I met a citizen who had been a boy acquaint- 
ance of mine during my residence as Minister. I asked him 
about his present occupation or profession. He told me the 
business in which he was engaged, but he added, " I am also a 
diputado^' [member of Congress]. I extended my congratula- 
tions. "Yes," he said, "I did not care much about it, but 
Don Porfirio [the title by which friends refer to the President] 
said he would like to see me in Congress." He was chosen 



y 



V- 



54 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

from a State which he had never visited and from a district 
of which he had never heard. 

My German colleague, a very thoughtful observer, dis- 
cussing this subject with me, said: "There is no popular 
suffrage in this country and there cannot be in this genera- 
tion, for two reasons ; First, the want of intelligence on the 
part of the masses ; second, the general conviction that the 
votes cast are so manipulated by the authorities that there 
is no assurance that the result will be according to the wishes 
of the voters. The masses [the Indians] do not vote because 
of indifference and ignorance. If they did, it would be as the 
priests indicate, because they have the greatest influence 
over them. The priests do not exert their influence, partly 
because of their retirement from politics and partly because 
of their conviction that it would be of no avail against the 
ruling politicians. The intelligent people as a rule do not 
vote, for the same reason — the want of confidence in the 
ballot being properly returned." 

In my day this abstention from the polls was generally 
recognized by the press. By the independent press it was 
deplored; by the opposition the responsibility for it was 
charged to what were termed the illegal acts and arbitrary 
practices of the Administration. From an independent 
journal of good standing I cut out during my residence this 
item: "Yesterday afternoon at one o'clock, Mr. A. M., a 
congressman, was found at the electoral voting-place, which 
it was his duty to open, when a friend arrived and asked him 
how the election was going there. The reply was that no one 
had come to vote, so that he had not been able to organize 
an election board. 'Then, you will close the poll and report 
the fact.' 'By no means/ replied Mr. M.; 'I have here the 
list of persons who ought to vote and from it I will make up 
my poll-list, and report the result. This I am ordered to do, 
and I cannot fail to do it.' We guarantee the exact truth of 
this anecdote." 



MEXICO UNDER LERDO 55 

These comments as to the electoral franchise in Mexico 
do not apply to all elections; often in local and municipal 
contests there is an animated campaign and a free exercise 
of the ballot. Further reference to this subject will be made 
when I come to review the Administration of President Diaz. 
I may remark, moreover, that this defect in the exercise of 
the franchise is not singular to Mexico, but is common to the 
Latin-American countries, with few exceptions. The want 
of education of the masses makes them indifferent to or 
incapable of an intelligent use of suffrage; and the long 
revolutionary struggles which preceded their independence 
accustomed the people to the settlement of political questions 
by a resort to arms. Besides, in their colonial state they 
had not enjoyed in any degree the local self-government of 
the British- American colonies. Not until education is more 
generally diffused among the masses may we reasonably 
expect those countries to be ruled through the exercise of the 
electoral franchise. 

The long struggle which attended the separation of the 
Government from the Roman Catholic Church, to which I 
have referred, naturally led to some manifestations of relig- 
ious revolt among the people, tending to the establishment 
of Protestant congregations, but no prominent or influential 
native appeared to lead the movement. Its direction, as 
a consequence, was taken up by foreign missionaries from 
the United States. The first to enter the field was the 
Protestant Episcopal Church, but it was soon followed by the 
Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Quaker, and other denom- 
inations. These movements naturally stirred up opposition 
on the part of the adherents of the Catholic Church. Early in 
President Lerdo's term a delegation of American mission- 
aries called upon him to pay their respects, and presented 
an address asking for an assurance of his disposition to 
protect Protestants in the exercise of their religion. The 
President received them cordially, and made an earnest reply, 



56 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

entirely satisfactory to them, the substance of which was 
reported, as follows : — 

''That the Constitution of Mexico guarantees in the most 
absolute and unreserved manner the toleration and protec- 
tion of all religious opinions. That although the fanaticism 
of other forms of religion might sometimes excite popular 
disturbances against Protestants, he was sure that the 
opinion of all the enlightened classes of society is ardently 
in favor of complete toleration, and that he will answer for 
the conduct of all the authorities depending directly upon the 
Federal Government. That in addition to the constitutional 
obligation to protect religious liberty, the Government takes 
pleasure in stating that the teachers of the Protestant doc- 
trine in Mexico have distinguished themselves by their de- 
portment as law-abiding citizens, without a single instance of 
the contrary having come to his knowledge ; that their labors 
have uniformly tended to the enlightenment of the public, 
discarding sectarian disputes, and limiting themselves to the 
propagation of doctrines of sound morality and practical 
religion ; that the Government will not only use its utmost 
diligence to punish all infractions of religious liberty, but is 
earnestly desirous that the Protestant teachers should enable 
it to take efficient measures for the prevention of such abuses 
whenever there may be ground to apprehend their occur- 
rence ; that he is pleased to make the acquaintance of the 
gentlemen who have conscientiously and laboriously devoted 
themselves to an object of great public utility." 

Notwithstanding these official assurances, the Protestants 
were molested and persecuted in various ways. WTierever 
a new field was entered upon, it awakened opposition and 
called for the interposition of the authorities, which was 
usually cheerfully rendered, but after a time the open hos- 
tility ceased. During my residence a few cases of religious 
riots resulted in the loss of life. In one instance an American 
missionary was murdered. The authorities acted vigorously 



MEXICO UNDER LERDO 57 

in the arrest of the leaders of the mob, but the usual delays 
occurred in the courts. Finally, eighteen months after the 
murder, five persons were found guilty and executed. 

These mission enterprises led to the visit to the Capital of 
various prominent American churchmen, among the most 
distinguished of whom was Bishop Matthew Simpson, of the 
Methodist Church. Few men in the American churches had a 
more useful career or were possessed of more eminent talents. 
He was received by President Lerdo, and in the course of the 
interview the latter repeated substantially the statements, 
just quoted, which he made to the delegation the year be- 
fore. The Bishop sought to impress on the President the 
great political interest the Government had in the di\ision 
of the population into different religious denominations, in 
which Senor Lerdo heartily concurred. He w^as a welcome 
guest at one of the pubhc banquets given during his stay 
by the American colony at which the Diplomatic Corps and 
Mexican officials were present. An extract from his address 
on the occasion will indicate something of his oratorical 
grace. 

He said: "I have sometimes thought that our national 
standards represent the present condition of the two nations. 
The Mexican eagle is perched upon the cactus, and holds the 
serpent in its beak : ours is soaring amidst the stars. With us, 
the conflict is over — victory has been won — and in proud 
triumph, yet bearing the symbol of peace, the eagle, im- 
trammeled and unrestrained, seeks the high heavens. Mexico, 
as a republic, is younger, her half-century has scarcely ended. 
She is yet in the conflict. Her eagle has seized the serpent of 
ignorance, of superstition, and of disorder, and is breaking 
its power. It is already writhing in agony and will soon be 
dashed lifeless on the ground. Then, too, will the victorious 
Mexican eagle soar aloft — for it has a right to fly as high 
as ours. Her skies are more clear and her mountains taller 
than our own ; Popocatepetl wears a higher crown than Mt. 



58 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Hood, and Pike's Peak bows gracefully to the Woman in 
White." 

The Protestant missions and congregations are now scat- 
tered pretty well over the Republic. They have been active in 
organizing primary and higher grades of schools. They pub- 
lish a number of religious journals and use the printing-press 
freely. Their colporteurs carry the Bible into almost every 
community. Preaching, however, is their chief reliance for 
propagating their cause, and to this end they have estab- 
lished training-schools for educating a native ministry. But, 
notwithstanding their activity, they have not made great 
inroads among the Catholic adherents or seriously disaffected 
the mass of the population from the old faith. Their success, 
however, has been commensurate with that of Protestant 
effort in other Catholic countries. It is not easy to shake 
the foundations of the Church of Rome. Its organization, 
discipline, and devotion are unsurpassed. 

Wliile the Protestant movement cannot claim success in 
the multitudes of adherents, in other respects it has had 
a marked influence on the CathoHc Church in Mexico. The 
latter has been stirred up by the rivalry to greater attention 
to its parochial schools and the character of the instruction 
has been modernized. The Bible is no longer a closed book 
for Catholics. In the old days, before the advent of Protest- 
antism, little preaching was heard in the great cathedrals 
and parish churches. Now a sermon is given in most of them 
on Sunday and even ''missions," or what are commonly 
called revival services, are frequently held. The churches, 
great and small, have as a result undergone a transformation, 
by the introduction of pews or seats, before almost unknown, 
so that the worshipers may listen to the preaching with 
profit; and in other ways they have been "swept and gar- 
nished." Greater attention is given to the education and 
training for the priesthood, and the morals of the lower clergy 
are more closely scrutinized by the bishops. In those re- 



MEXICO UNDER LERDO 59 

spects Protestantism has stirred up a spirit of rivalry in the 
old religion and awakened its energies into new Hfe and 
activity. 

I had the good fortune during my mission in Mexico to 
meet the man who in some respects may be regarded as the 
most noted personage in the history of the Republic — Santa 
Anna. He began his public career with the independence, and 
was an active participant in almost every movement which 
disturbed the afflicted country up to his death in 1876, being 
repeatedly president or dictator with absolute rule, and in 
turn an exile and powerless. He is best known to the people 
of the United States for his prominent part in the struggle 
for Texan independence and during the Mexican War of 
1846-8. His affiliations were generally with the Conservative 
party, but, not being much troubled with scruples, he readily 
vacillated from one side to the other. 

Owing to his machinations against the Juarez Government 
a sentence of banishment for eight years was issued against 
him in 1867, but a general act of amnesty for political offenses 
was promulgated in 1870, and he returned to the country in 
1874, and quietly took up his residence in the village of 
Guadalupe, in the suburbs of the Capital. His return at- 
tracted no attention beyond a brief newspaper notice. I 
called upon him in his modest quarters, and was very cor- 
dially received by him. I found him much broken with age, 
but he still preserved his military bearing and conversed 
with great freedom. His topics were mainly of the past, 
referring with special interest to his visit to the United States 
after his capture in 1836 by the Texans, and the kind recep- 
tion he received. A few months after my visit his death was 
announced, and he was quietly buried as a private citizen, his 
remains being followed to the cemetery by a few relatives 
only. Recalling the great power he had exercised at the head 
of the Government, we are reminded of the fate of another 
greater warrior : — 



60 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

" But yesterday the word of Caesar might 
Have stood against the world : now lies he there, 
And none so poor to do him reverence." 

The year of Santa Anna's death Don Carlos de Bourbon, 
the pretender to the Spanish throne, made a visit of a few 
weeks to the Capital. He was courteously received except in 
official circles, and with special attention by certain persons 
and families of Spanish origin, adherents of the old Con- 
servative Church party. The object of his visit seemed to 
be one purely of recreation. 

In 1875, in connection with a tour of the United States, 
the Marchioness Adelaide Ristori made a visit to Mexico, 
and I saw much of her socially during her stay in the Capital. 
She was the guest of my intimate colleague, the Italian 
Minister, was several times a visitor at my residence, and 
she and Mrs. Foster established a warm friendship. I regard 
her as one of the most remarkable women I have ever met, 
both intellectually and socially. At that time she had reached 
the height of her fame, standing in the front rank of the 
world's tragediennes, having been showered with presents by 
all the great monarchs of Europe and with the plaudits of 
the artistic and refined people of both hemispheres. After 
a long career upon the stage, she retired to Rome with an 
ample fortune, devoting her time to charities and to her 
multitude of friends and admirers. Her eightieth birthday 
was celebrated in 1902 with unusual brilliancy, and she lived 
to the age of eighty-five. 



CHAPTER VI 

A TRIP TO O AX AC A 

We so greatly enjoyed our excursion from Cordova to Jalapa 
that the succeeding summer we made another to the then 
more inaccessible and more famous State of Oaxaca. Our 
party consisted of the Italian Minister, the Chevalier Biagi, 
Dr. and Mrs. Richardson of New Orleans, and Mrs. Foster 
and myself. We came from the capital by the railroad to 
Boca del Monte ; thence the second day fourteen leagues by 
stage to Tehuacan, where we found a comfortable hotel ; and 
the third day by stage, a distance of twenty leagues, to 
Tecomavaea, with poor accommodations for the night. The 
remainder of the journey, about one hundred miles through 
the heart of the Sierra Madre range to the city of Oaxaca, 
was made on horseback and required three days. The ex- 
periences and scenes were much the same as those had in the 
trip from Cordova to Jalapa, with two exceptions, one 
agreeable and the other the reverse. We experienced less 
rain, and the paths, although rugged, were not so difficult. 
On the other hand we had no such comfortable entertainment 
at night, the country being more wild and unsettled. One 
night we had to resort to a hut used by the arrieros with their 
pack-trains, and made our beds from the cornstalks cut 
from an adjoining field. 

There is no State of the Republic which has more objects 
and associations of interest or natural attractions for the 
visitor than Oaxaca. It was the seat of the Zapotecan race, 
one of the most warlike, intelligent, and civilized of all those 
existing at the time of the Spanish conquest. The valley of 
Oaxaca was selected by Cortez as a part of his estates granted 



62 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

by the King of Spain as a reward for his grand conquest, and 
he and his descendants bore the title of ''Marquis of the 
Valley" (of Oaxaca). The city was founded by an edict of 
the Emperor Charles V, in 1532. From the beginning of the 
war of independence it has had a warlike experience : taken 
by assault from the Spaniards by the heroic Morelos in 1812 ; 
Santa Anna besieged and captured it in 1828 ; another siege 
in 1833 ; the celebrated siege of the French in 1865 ; and its 
recapture by Diaz in 1866. 

The State has been noted for the independent spirit and 
warlike character of its people. It gave birth to Juarez, 
and the Reform movement had its promulgation and chief 
support here. It was also the birthplace of Diaz, His first 
revolutionary "plan" or platform of 1871, "La Noria," and 
that of 1876, "Tuxtepec," were issued here; and from this 
State he organized with the serranos (mountaineers) the 
army which overthrew Lerdo and placed himself in power. 

From the city of Oaxaca our party made several short 
excursions occupying three days, to some of the wonders of 
the region, one of those being to Tule to see the gigantic and 
marvelous cypress tree, and to Mitla to examine the cele- 
brated architectural ruins at that place. We were accom- 
panied by the Governor of the State, made his guests, and 
received in all the towns and villages with music, fireworks, 
and floral arches. These places are so well known to the pub- 
lic through books of travel and archaeological writings, that 
I need not dilate upon them. 

But another place which we visited — Cuilapam — is so 
little known and so full of interest that it calls for some 
further notice. This village lies three leagues southwest of 
the city of Oaxaca on the confines of the luxuriant valley 
of Zimatlan. In the ages preceding the Spanish Conquest and 
before this region was subdued by the Aztecs of the Valley 
of Mexico, this village was on the boundary between the 
rival kingdoms of the Mistecos and the Zapotecos. On the 



A TRIP TO OAXACA 63 

rising ground to the west of the village stood a watch-tower 
of the Mistecos, whence they observed the movements of the 
enemy. Among the Indians there are yet treasured many 
traditions of bloody deeds and stirring events which took 
place ages ago among a people, the vestiges of whose civil- 
ization and prowess still remain in these valleys, objects of 
our wonder and admiration. 

On the site of the ancient Indian watch-tower the Domini- 
can monks built an immense church and convent in the early 
days of the viceregal government of Mexico, which, with 
their towers and massive walls, have the appearance of an 
old feudal fortress. The convent has been long abandoned 
by the friars, and is now a vast desolation of halls, corridors, 
chapels, and monks' cells, similar to the ruins which are scat- 
tered over the Republic, the evidences of the departed grand- 
eur and wealth of the Church. We spent some hours with 
much interest in wandering through these dilapidated build- 
ings deserted by all but the bats, which have found there a 
quiet home ; in reading the faded Latin inscriptions upon the 
stuccoed walls ; in seeking to trace on the tombstones in the 
graveyard the history of the old monks ; and in clambering 
up on to the dome of the church and viewing the grand 
panorama of the valley beneath us and the mountains around 
and below us. 

A part of the immense church, in a very ragged condition, 
was still used by the villagers, and the padre occupied a few 
of the lower rooms. Under his guidance we were led into one 
of the courts, where we were shown a tomb lying level with 
the ground, upon which were engraved some huge illegible 
letters, which bore the evident marks of age. This tomb the 
villagers regard with the greatest reverence, for here they 
say was buried Dona Marina, or Malinche, the famous in- 
terpreter of Cortez, the companion of the Spaniards in all 
the campaigns of the Conquest, a most important instrument 
of their triumph, and one oi the noted women of the world. 



64 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Hers was a strange life, as a Mexican writer has said, rather a 
chapter of a novel than a sober page of history. The begin- 
ning and the end of her life are lost. It is only that middle 
portion, coupled with the exploits of the great Spanish 
captain, which is certainly known. Little mention is made 
of her after her marriage. Neither Bernal Diaz, the contem- 
poraneous historian, nor Prescott has more than a passing 
reference to her after-life. Her birth and her death are 
shrouded in mystery and uncertain tradition. Whether or 
not this ancient tomb is her grave, this crumbling ruin is a fit 
resting-place for her who witnessed the overthrow of her race 
— this spot which marks their contending struggles and 
where the conquerors sought to build an enduring monument 
of their faith, which, too, in its turn, has gone to decay. 

There was one remaining historic spot which we had not 
yet seen, so we asked the padre where was the monument 
that marked the death of General and President Guerrero. 
He pointed out to us a field of growing wheat at the rear of 
the convent; he evidently did not care to accompany us. 
It marks an event which constitutes one of the darkest 
pages of all Mexican history. General Guerrero was one of 
the most valiant leaders of Mexican independence, and in 
1828 came to the presidency, as most Mexicans have, through 
a bloody struggle following a contested election. He had 
been fully installed and recognized, but Bustamente, the 
Vice-President, raised the standard of revolt. He was sup- 
ported by many of the most prominent of the old leaders 
of the independence, and what arms were likely to fail in 
accomplishing, treachery and money achieved. Guerrero 
was entrapped into accepting an invitation to a dinner on 
board a foreign vessel, commanded by a Genoese, in the 
harbor of Acapulco; and while the dinner was in progress 
the vessel set sail, put to sea, and anchored in a port on the 
coast of Oaxaca in the hands of his opponents. For this base 
act the Genoese is said to have received $70,000. His captors 



A TRIP TO OAXACA 65 

went through the mock forms of a court-martial in this con- 
vent, condemned him to death, and on this spot he was shot 
on the 14th of February, 1831. The murderers then, with 
impious rejoicing, returned to the church and sang a TeDeum 
over the death of this brave soldier and patriot, who had 
merited the honor and gratitude of his countiymen. 

The city of Oaxaca not only bears the scars of war, but 
shows in almost every quarter the marks of earthquakes, 
this State having suffered more from them than any other. 
The tradition of many frightful visitations of this "chief of 
terrors" to the people, occurring centuries ago, are kept 
fresh in the memories of the natives. They have had also 
recent occasion to remember their terrible manifestations. 
One of the most noted of these took place only three years 
before our visit. Nine times during the day was the pheno- 
menon repeated, and so powerfully and so alarmingly that 
the houses were abandoned and the inhabitants fled to the 
plazas or open squares, and even to the open fields outside 
the city. Many lives were lost, and we saw the effects in 
destroyed houses and the gaping walls of massive edifices. 
A few months later in the same year the people were sud- 
denly awakened at 4 o'clock in the morning by a terrific 
shock which seemed to crack the very globe itself, followed 
immediately by an oscillating movement of some seconds, 
and finally by a violent trembling motion. Many are the 
injuries which these earthquakes always cause when they 
combine the double movement of oscillation and trepidation. 

One of the noticeable facts about earthquakes is that they 
are a danger to which the inhabitants never become accus- 
tomed or indifferent. However often repeated, they seem to 
inspire an increasing and greater fear which is indescribable, 
and which seems to pervade the brute with even greater 
force than man. To feel the very earth, which is our symbol 
of solidity and firmness in all things terrestrial, tremble and 
apparently give way beneath one's feet, inspires such an 



66 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

emotion as none can conceive but those who have felt a 
genuine tropical earthquake. The old foreign resident of 
Mexico tells the newcomer that he will not know the coun- 
try till he has experienced an earthquake and passed through 
a revolution. We were visited during our residence with 
several shocks, but fortunately none of them attended with 
disastrous consequences. Once while dining in the Legation 
with a party of friends, among them George W. Carleton, 
the New York publisher, in the midst of the dinner there 
came a sudden and violent shock, which instantly brought 
all of us to our feet. It was a simple shock only, and we soon 
recovered our equanimity, resumed our seats, and the dinner 
went on. Mr. Carleton, who was quite an artist, made an 
amusing pen-and-ink sketch of the scene. As I am not able 
to reproduce this picture, I quote a word-sketch written by 
a traveler in Oaxaca describing his experience while on a 
visit to Mitla, as follows : — 

"We were sitting one day at the table, when of a sudden 
somebody — shook the table ; no ! — the walls shook, also 
the ceiling; the mighty beams supporting it groaned and 
twisted about, as if their vitals were under the influence of 
colic. The company stared at one another; but scarcely a 
face looked funny enough to warrant the impeachment of 
any one having played a trick upon the diners. Another 
heave, and everything movable, and what we might have 
thought before immovable, swayed about, a cracking, a 
rattling, and a subterranean growl upset the equilibrium of 
everything, and, above all, that of the bipeds, or most of 
them at least, for away they rushed, pell-mell, into the 
courtyard, leaving the poor pudding standing smoking in 
the middle of the table. A few old stagers remained, fas- 
cinated apparently by the attraction of the smoking good 
cheer, and shamming as much cheer of their own as they 
could conscientiously make pretense to. This encouraged 
some of us to attempt also keeping up appearances, and so. 



A TRIP TO OAXACA 67 

with a sort of seasick feeling, and more sickly smiles, we 
revenged ourselves on the pudding, by dissecting and em- 
boweling it, though choking with our mouths full. 

"We had just recovered ourselves sufficiently to swallow 
like Christians, the fugitives were returning, and reassuming 
their greedy looks in regard to pudding and dessert, when 
another unmitigated subterranean kick stopped every morsel 
in our throats. This was no laughing matter; we all felt ex- 
ceedingly sick ; we could not keep our positions on the chairs, 
but had to hold on to walls, doors, and window-frames that 
had as much need of support as we had. . . . We had to 
evacuate ; we sallied into the street and there we were soon 
imbued with the terrible seriousness of an earthquake. From 
all the houses the inhabitants had come forth to the most 
spacious places where two streets crossed, or to the plazas 
or open squares. They were on their knees, pale and de- 
spairing, praying earnestly, some loud, some low, and here 
and there a heart-rending yell of ' misericordia, domine!' 
would be echoed by a hundred faltering tongues." 

Our visit to Oaxaca terminated with a large banquet in 
our honor given by the Governor in the Government Hall. 
The local press referred to it with much satisfaction, and 
with details of the floral decorations, the display of flags of 
"all nations friendly to Mexico," the music, etc. As on all 
such occasions there were various toasts and speeches. That 
of the Governor, which is a fair specimen of Mexican after- 
dinner oratory, was as follows : — 

To-day we register in our annals an act hitherto unknown ; 
the representatives of two powerful, friendly nations come 
among us to visit the cradle of the Zapotecos, which is also 
the country of the immortal Juarez. If history is not a vain 
echo lost in the lapse of time, we should take from it a good 
lesson for the future. The illustrious travelers who now 
listen to me advise the aristocracy to forego its privileges 



68 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

which have no reason to exist, to teach the classes still 
marked with the seal of former servitude, that they could 
only raise themselves from the dust and put on the august 
crown of their right proclaiming liberty and equality, and 
give the people to understand that not because it has been 
oppressed will it be an oppressor; that not because it has 
been tyrannized over can it tyrannize in its turn. 

We will take to ourselves these doctrines and measure 
their importance. 

These travelers call us brothers, and pour out to us con- 
solation and hope ; they bring a desire for better and more 
prosperous times for Oaxaca ; they teach us to make property 
prolific with our work ; they enlighten us with their counsel, 
and engrave upon our minds the ideas that are to make our 
future happy. 

We bless, gentlemen, the inscrutable decree of Providence 
that has brought among us the enlightened representatives 
of two powerful nations, and upon offering them our hospi- 
tality, we strew their path with flowers, and in the light of 
vivid and imperishable joy, we will drink to the health and 
the glory of the two wise Ministers who are to-day our 
worthy guests. 

In my reply to the Governor, after expressing our high 
appreciation of the honor and attentions we had received, 
I said : — 

I am gratified to have this appropriate opportunity to 
offer a sentiment to the memory of the distinguished states- 
man, who has rendered such important service to his native 
State of Oaxaca, to his country, and to repubHcan institu- 
tions throughout the world. . . . The past has furnished 
few more illustrious examples of steadiness of purpose, de- 
votion to principle, or unwavering faith in the cause of lib- 
erty and human progress through years of darkness, disaster, 



A TRIP TO OAXACA 69 

and adversity than that of Don Benito Juarez. He was a 
worthy compeer of the poUtical giants of our generation who 
struggled successfully for national unity and the consolida- 
tion of their respective principles of government — of our 
own immortal Lincoln, of Count Cavour of Italy, and of 
Prince Bismarck of Germany ; and I doubt not that history 
will record his name in enduring letters on the scroll of fame, 
along with the great American apostles of freedom, Hidalgo, 
Bolivar, and Washington. 

It is to present my offering of devotion and admiration 
I have crossed the mountains and come into this beautiful 
valley — to this city, the scene of his youth and early man- 
hood. I close with the toast : To the memory of Juarez and to 
the prosperity of his native State of Oazaca. 

Our visit to Oaxaca was in all respects satisfactory and 
enjoyable. We were received by the official and social 
circles with every civility and attention. Our presence among 
them was recognized as a special mark of consideration for 
their city and State, and it proved as agi-eeable to us as to 
them. The American Consul, in writing me after our depart- 
ure of the pleasant impression made by our visit, concluded 
as follows :" Every event that takes place here this year will 
bear date, el ano de la visita del Ministro de los Estados Uni- 
d^s:' 

The Mexican people are exceedingly patriotic and celebrate 
their national days with much enthusiasm. The two events 
to which they annually give special importance are the pro- 
mulgation of the independence by Hidalgo on September 15, 
and the defeat of the French in their attack upon Puebla on 
May 5. They also commemorated the battles in the Valley 
of Mexico which resulted in the capture of the city by Gen- 
eral Scott, the President and his Cabinet often participating 
in the exercises. It seems a little odd to Americans that those 
■ defeats which brought such overwhelming disaster to the 



70 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

nation should continue to be celebrated with so much patri- 
otic fervor. The Mexicans, however, look upon them some- 
what in the light with which the Greeks regarded Thermo- 
pylae, as exliibitions of heroic devotion and bravery under the 
most adverse circumstances. They deplore the dissensions 
which weakened the national defense against the invaders, 
and recognize the want of skill in their generals, but their 
orators annually laud the soldiers in the ranks who fought 
with heroism in a hopeless contest, and hold up their example 
as a pattern for the rising generation of their countrymen. 

But during my residence I saw little evidence of bitter- 
ness of feeling against Americans because of the war which 
despoiled the Mexicans of half their territory. Time has done 
much to heal the wounds of war, and after a generation and 
more have passed their intelligent citizens can see that the 
spirit which brought on the hostilities was slavery ; that it 
was destroyed in the Civil War; and that a different spirit 
has since then controlled our Government, as was manifest 
in the sympathy shown the Liberals in their contest with 
Maximilian. 



CHAPTER VII 

REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO 

I HAVE already referred to the insecurity of life and property ^ 
existing in the Valley of Mexico during the first years of my 
residence. The same state of affairs existed, possibly in a 
more aggravated form, throughout the country during the 
greater part of the term of President Lerdo. At no time was 
it free from some kind of a revolution, local or general. In 
1874, after Lerdo had been in power for more than a year, he 
arranged an excm'sion into the Valley of Cuernavaca and to 
the famous cave of Cacahuamilpa, in the State of Guerrero, 
to which the Diplomatic Corps, members of his Cabinet, and 
other friends were invited. In a great banquet tendered to 
him and his party by the Governor of Morelos, at Cuerna- 
vaca, President Lerdo cited the fact of this excursion and the 
presence of eight Governors of States, as evidence that peace 
at last reigned throughout the RepubUc, and that it was 
possible for so many pubhc officials to absent themselves 
from their posts. He seemed oblivious of the large cavalry 
escort which constantly accompanied him and of the army 
and rural guards which were on duty at every town and 
village through which he passed. 

The trains on the only railroad in the country, that from 
Mexico City to Vera Cruz, constantly contained one or more 
cars loaded with a guard of armed soldiers. The hacendados 
did not venture off of their landed estates without an armed 
guard, and the richest of them lived in the cities for their 
personal safety. Every man of any importance traveling 
on the roads went "armed to the teeth." The conductas or 
bullion trains, which brought the gold and silver from the 



72 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

mines to the mint in the City of Mexico, or for exportation, 
were always heavily protected by guards. It was the custom 
at large mining-centres, such as Zacatecas and Guanajuato, 
to combine the output of the different mines in one large 
conducta at stated intervals, and the Government would 
furnish a detachment of the army as a guard. From such 
distant points as the State of Chihuahua the conductas were 
several weeks on the road before reaching the City of Mexico. 
From isolated mines the conductas were formed by and at the 
expense of the proprietors. 

I give a statement furnished me by the manager of a well- 
known mine which I was visiting, situated in the mountains 
about one hundred and twenty miles from the Capital: 
"Owing to the rugged character of the country wheel con- 
veyance is impracticable, and pack-mules must be employed. 
The number of men composing the guard varies somewhat 
according to the amount of silver. It is always better to send 
a large amount, as the expense is considerably greater on a 
small amount, in proportion to what it would be on a larger 
quantity. An escort for, say, fifty thousand ounces of silver 
would require from thirty to forty armed men, five muleteers, 
and twenty pack-mules. The men who form the guard are 
carefully picked out from the inhabitants of the district, and 
consist chiefly of small farmers who hold lands under the 
company, and the superior workmen from the mines who 
can be spared from their work. It is always an object of 
ambition to be placed on the conductas, and consequently 
we are able to pick out the best and most trustworthy men. 
The guards have to supply their own horses and find their 
own living on the road. Great care is taken that no informa- 
tion gets abroad as to the date of departure of the conducta, 
owing to the risk of such news allowing time for bands of 
robbers to collect. It being decided to send down the silver, 
instructions will be given the night before. By daylight next 
morning the required nimiber of men with their horses will 



REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO 73 

collect in the courtyard and receive arms from the company, 
consisting of a German needle carbine and a large revolver, 
the men providing themselves with swords. Thus prepared 
the muleteers bring forward the pack-mules, the silver bars 
are delivered over wrapped in coarse matting, and securely 
fastened one on each side of the pack-saddles. The conducta 
on arrival in the Capital goes straight to the mint. The 
journey, going and returning, occupies from six to eight 
days." 

It can readily be seen that this condition of affairs greatly 
retarded the development of mining, which was and is the 
chief industry of the country. Neither could commerce 
greatly flourish. The rate of exchange between the Capital 
and near-by cities was often as high as from three to five 
per cent, and for the cities in distant parts of the Republic 
even ten per cent. 

I have noted the saying that one will not know Mexico till 
he has experienced an earthquake and passed through a revo- 
lution. We had enough of the former to satisfy our curiosity, 
and we were fated to witness the latter on a most extensive 
scale. 

Benito Juarez, the great hero of the Reform Movement, 
was chosen President of the Republic in 1858 and continued 
at the head of the Government through the War of the Re- 
form and the French Intervention. After the fall of Maxi- 
milian in 1867 an election was held and Juarez was again 
chosen for four years. When his term approached the end, his 
personal adherents insisted that the Reform Movement still 
required him at the head of the Government. I was once 
dining with a humorous Mexican friend. In due course the 
olla podrida was served, a very savory and popular dish 
composed of various stewed meats, vegetables, and fruits, 
universally a part of Mexican dinners. When it came to the 
table he said : "You know we call this el plato Juarez." 

I expressed surprise and asked for an explanation. 



74 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

"0 ! yes; el plato Juarez, for we have Don Benito with us 
always." 

A large party in the country opposed the reelection of 
Juarez in 1867, and supported the candidacy of General 
Porfirio Diaz, who had gained great popularity in the late 
war against the French. When the candidacy of Juarez was 
again announced in 1871 the partisans of Diaz loudly pro- 
tested against it ; and Lerdo, who had been Juarez' Minister 
for Foreign Affairs and was then Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court and ex-officio Vice-President, also declared his opposi- 
tion. In the election none of the three candidates, Juarez, 
Diaz, or Lerdo, had a majority upon the returns, and the 
choice devolved upon the Congress, which declared Juarez 
President. 

The most fruitful source of the revolutions which have 

marked the independent existence of the Latin-American 

States has been the effort of the public men of those countries 

to continue themselves in power or to attain the Presidency 

\^ by other than peaceful and constitutional methods. This 

has been preeminently the case in the history of Mexico, and 
proved true in the epoch under review. The re-inauguration 
of Juarez was followed by a pronimciamento by Diaz, de- 
claring his election illegal and void, because he had prevented 
a fair expression of the popular will by force and official 
intimidation, and he took up arms, with the battle-cry of 
"no reelection." Lerdo's partisans in various parts of the 
country followed the example of Diaz, but Lerdo himself 
did not leave the Capital and took no open part in the revolt. 
The whole nation was soon turned into an armed camp, and 
bloody battles occurred between the Government troops and 
the revolutionists in many sections of the country. The 
situation indicated the triumph of Diaz, when on July 18, 
1872, Juarez died suddenly of an attack of apoplexy. 

The angel of death proved to be the messenger of peace. 
Lerdo, as Vice-President, assumed the Presidency, Diaz 



REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO 75 

acquiesced in the act, and an election resulted in the choice of 
Lerdo for the constitutional term of four years. A general 
proclamation of amnesty was issued, and there seemed the 
promise of an era of peace for the country. Diaz came 
quietly to the Capital after the election, and hved in retire- 
ment, manifesting little interest in political affairs, although 
he had been elected a member of Congress. It was said that 
the Administration made overtures to him to accept a foreign 
mission, which he declined. "WTien it became apparent that 
President Lerdo would seek a reelection Diaz left the Capital 
and went to his native State of Oaxaca. Meanwhile discon- 
tent was manifesting itself in various parts of the country and 
local uprisings were frequent. 

As early as May, 1875, Congress conferred on the President 
what are termed "extraordinary faculties." This is a species 
of legislation quite common in the system of government of 
Mexico and other Latin-American States, but is never re- 
sorted to except in the face of an alarming revolution, or at 
least under the pretext of great danger to the nation. Its 
objectionable features, in a republican point of view, are that 
it suspends the legislative power and makes the Executive 
a dictator. 

This action of Congress satisfied the partisans of Diaz that 
their candidate would stand no chance of obtaining a free 
expression of the popular will at the coming presidential elec- 
tion, and they resolved again to appeal to arms. In January, 
1876, the "Plan of Tuxtepec" was proclaimed in one of the 
mountain towns of Oaxaca from which it took its name, 
denouncing the reelection of Lerdo, and naming Diaz as the 
regenerator of the country. Oaxaca and the neighboring 
States were soon in revolt, but the Government sent large 
masses of troops into that region, and Diaz transferred his 
operations to the Rio Grande frontier. The entire country 
was again in the throes of a revolution even more widespread 
than that of 1871 against Juarez, and early in the year we 



76 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

began to feel its effects in the Capital. In April, 1876, 1 re- 
ported to the Department of State that in almost all the 
important States martial law had been proclaimed and they 
were in a "state of siege" ; that the President was resorting 
to "forced loans" to replenish the treasury and put down 
the rebellion; that the railroad to Vera Cruz had been de- 
stroyed at different points by the revolutionists and traffic 
suspended for more than a month past ; that mail communi- 
cation with the seaport and with the interior was uncertain 
and difficult ; that the diligences were detained and robbed 
in all directions; and that travel throughout the country 
was greatly interrupted and dangerous. 

The revolutionists never invested the Capital, although 
they made incursions into the Valley, and we were practically 
shut up to the city and its immediate environs. The greatest 
inconvenience suffered by us was in having our rail commun- 
ication with Vera Cruz and the outer world cut off. In those 
days it was the practice of foreign visitors to come to the 
Capital during the winter and early spring months, but they 
were always desirous of departing before the yellow fever 
began its ravages at Vera Cruz, where it was a regular sum- 
mer visitant. In 1876, however, because of the destruction 
of railroad bridges by the insurgents, a large number were 
detained in the city and it began to be feared that they would 
not be able to get through Vera Cruz without exposure to 
the much-dreaded scourge. I also had planned to have my 
family return to the United States and visit the Centennial 
Exposition at Philadelphia. Besides, a larger number than 
usual of the wealthy Mexican families were desirous of going 
abroad because of the disturbed condition of the country. 

I was quietly informed by the manager of the Vera Cruz 
Railway, an English company, that the Government was 
furnishing them a strong guard of soldiers to put the rail- 
road again in order, and that when all was in readiness they 
would run through a special train to take away the plethora 



REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO 77 

of travelers shut up in the Capital, but that it must be done 
without public announcement, lest the revolutionists should 
arrange to capture the train, as they had done repeatedly. 
He also expressed the wish that I should accompany them, as 
he thought the presence of the American Minister might 
give greater security in case of an attack on the train. This 
I promised to do, as I had expected to go with my family as 
far as Vera Cruz in any case. 

When all was in readiness the passengers were assembled 
at the station, and the unusually long train started at mid- 
night in order to pass over the mountainous and dangerous 
part of the road in dayhght. The manager placed American 
flags on the front and rear of the train, as he said, in honor of 
my presence, but really to deter any revolutionary band that 
might be inclined to stop our progress. The passengers 
traveled with much foreboding and were constantly on the 
lookout for danger ; but we reached Vera Cruz in safety and 
without any mishap, and they were glad to find the steamer 
ready to take them out of the distracted country. It was 
generally believed that I had communicated with the revo- 
lutionists and secured an assurance of free passage of the 
train, but there was no foundation for such a belief. 

I well remember the conversation I had on the steamer 
with a passenger, one of the wealthiest and most respected of 
Mexican citizens. On taking leave of me, he expressed his 
thanks for my part in getting him and his family safely 
out of the Capital, and he then proceeded to say that my 
Government was in large measure responsible for the present 
wretched condition of his country ; that he, in union with the 
greater part of the responsible citizens and property interests 
of the country, had encouraged the coming of Maximilian, 
and that imder him there was the prospect of a stable Gov- 
ernment, but that the United States had been the means of 
its overthrow. Hence, he declared, it was the duty of my 
Government to occupy the country, restore order, and give 



78 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

to it the same security, stability, and prosperity which our 
people enjoyed; there was no other solution to the existing 
conditions. He took leave of me sadly, saying he never ex- 
pected to return to his country. Soon after he died in Europe, 
but his children are still Hving in Mexico, and have greatly 
benefited in their father's estate by the era of protection and 
prosperity of the Diaz regime. 

The railroad officials, having no confidence in their ability 
to keep the road open, advised me to return as soon as pos- 
sible ; and on the evening of the day of my arrival I left Vera 
Cruz for the Capital on a special train. The regular train 
which left the next morning was thrown from the track by a 
guerrilla band, claiming to be partisans of Diaz, the pass- 
engers were stripped of their arms and valuables, the train 
burned, and the road torn up. For weeks afterwards the 
traffic was suspended, until the track was put in order under 
military protection, only to be again interrupted. During 
this period, in order to keep the Government at Washington 
informed of affairs, I had to employ a private courier to carry 
my dispatches to Vera Cruz. 

After the arrival of General Diaz on the Rio Grande fron- 
tier, he made his headquarters at Brownsville, on the Ameri- 
can side of the river, until his supporters were in condition 
to assume hostilities. The Lerdo Government made com- 
plaint of this at Washington as an infringement of hospitality 
and an abuse of American territory, but no open violation of 
the neutrality laws was established. In a short time Diaz 
joined his partisans in the State of Tamaulipas, but he was 
defeated by the Government forces, his adherents dispersed, 
and he again took refuge on American territory. He had had 
startling experiences and escapes during the French inter- 
vention, but he was now to pass through an adventure which 
eclipsed all the other experiences which had given him such 
a reputation for daring. 

He resolved to return to his home in Oaxaca and there 



REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO 79 

again raise the standard which the Lerdo forces had over- 
thrown. He went to New Orleans and took passage, in dis- 
guise and under an assumed name, on the American mail 
steamer for Vera Cruz. En route the steamer called at Tam- 
pico, but owing to the bar it anchored two or three miles out 
at sea. Here a number of officers of the regular Mexican army, 
who were well acquainted with Diaz, embarked for Vera 
Cruz, and the latter felt sure they recognized him. If so his 
capture at Vera Cruz and execution seemed certain. That 
night he threw himself into the sea, which is usually alive 
with sharks, feeling able to swim ashore, being athletic and a 
good swimmer. But the cry "man overboard" was sounded 
by the watch, a boat was lowered, and he was brought back 
to the steamer in the sight of many passengers. The purser 
of the ship, being in the secret of his voyage, at once took 
him in charge, spirited him away, and he was not seen again. 

On arrival of the vessel at Vera Cruz the Government 
officials were informed of his presence aboard, and a thorough 
search was made by the port guard, but Diaz was not found. 
In a way which has never been made public he reached the 
shore in safety, and was soon again among his faithful ad- 
herents in the mountain fastnesses of his native State. After 
the triumph of his cause and Diaz was seated in the presi- 
dency, the purser of the steamer, though an American citizen, 
was appointed to the lucrative post of Consul-General at 
San Francisco, which he held for many years. 

The presence in their midst of their favorite chieftain soon 
revived the waning fortunes of the revolutionists, and the 
mountaineers flocked to the Diaz standard; Alatorre, the 
ablest of the Lerdist generals, was driven out of Oaxaca, 
and on November 16, in a decisive battle at Tecoac, about 
seventy-five miles across the moimtains east of the Capital, 
the Diaz forces were completely victorious over the main 
army of the Government. 

When the news reached the city it spread consternation 



80 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

in Administrative circles, as Lerdo had been made to believe 
that his generals would be able to drive Diaz back into 
Oaxaca. Nevertheless preparations were made for a defense 
of the city by fortifying the gates and concentrating troops, 
but on the 20th, after details of Alatorre's complete rout 
were received, all these preparations were abandoned, the 
Minister of War presented himself before the Congress, and, 
in the name of the President, stated that the Coimcil of 
Ministers had decided that it was the duty of the President 
to maintain to the utmost the standard of legitimate and 
constitutional government, and that, following the example 
of Juarez, if forced to leave the Capital, he would, if neces- 
sary, sustain it in the remotest corner of the Republic. 

This was accepted as an announcement that President 
Lerdo would abandon the Capital, and all classes were in 
a state of intense excitement. General Diaz, after the battle 
on the 16th, not realizing the completeness of his triumph, 
had marched to Puebla to reorganize his army preparatory 
to an advance on the Capital. If Lerdo and his forces aban- 
doned it, there would be an interregnum of some days before 
Diaz could assume the Government, and in the mean time it 
was feared that the city might be given over to the rioting 
of the lawless elements. Banks and commercial houses 
would then be exposed to pillage. The leading banldng- 
house of the city was next-door neighbor to my Legation, 
and alarmed at the situation my friend, the manager, asked 
that he might transfer the contents of his vaults to an ad- 
joining room of the Legation, which could be done unob- 
served by making an inside opening in the wall; the idea 
being entertained that a wholesome respect for the American 
flag would deter a mob of pillagers from entering the Lega- 
tion premises. 

Darkness fell upon the city the night of the 20th with a 
feeling of gloom and fear pervading the inhabitants, as it was 
generally known that the Government was preparing to 



REVOLUTIONAEY MEXICO 81 

evacuate. I invited a few of my countrymen to come to the 
Legation that night, and with them the bank officials and 
the members of the Legation staff. All of them saw fit to 
come armed. There was no slumber for that company, but 
we were a cheerful party, passing the time at whist or other 
games, with a supper at a late hour of the night, or rather an 
early one of the morning. There were many such gatherings 
in the banking and commercial houses of the Capital that 
night. 

Our \agil passed with only two interruptions. A Senator 
called at an early hour to ask if he might become my tem- 
porary guest. He had been a champion in Congress of the 
Lerdo regime and showed much bitterness towards the Diaz 
movement, and feared that he might be exposed to insult, 
if not danger, from excited partisans of Diaz before order 
was estabfished. He was my personal friend and I was glad to 
give him a room in my house. In the early hours of the 
morning General , a gallant old soldier, a former Minis- 
ter of War, my near neighbor, for a similar reason also asked 
to become my guest, and brought with him his favorite war- 
horse, the companion of many campaigns, a noble animal. I 
gave the General my best chamber and quartered the charger 
in the Legation patio. My two distinguished guests remained 
with me for forty-eight hours only, but an amusing and 
somewhat embarrassing condition was developed. These 
two gentlemen, while both hostile to the Diaz movement, 
were bitter personal enemies, and could not be brought 
together at my table or in my family circle. So they were 
voluntary recluses in their own apartments during their stay. 
The practice of resort by pubUc men to legation asylum is 
quite common in the Latin-American States in time of dis- 
order and revolution, but my experience in this instance 
was unique, in that the Legation at one and the same time 
afforded protection to pubfic men, bank treasures, and war- 
horses. 



^ 



82 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

On the morning of the 21st it was learned that President 
Lerdo, accompanied by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and 
three other members of his Cabinet, had left the city at two 
o'clock in the morning. He was also accompanied by several 
Senators and Deputies of Congress, the Governor of the Fed- 
eral District, and a number of personal and political friends, 
and escorted by a force of one thousand cavalry, taking the 
road leading to Toluca, the Capital of the State of Mexico, 
sixteen leagues to the west. 

The garrison of the Capital remained in the city under its 
conmiander. Immediately upon the departure of Sefior 
Lerdo the government of the city was assumed by a person 
named in advance as provisional governor by General Diaz. 
The municipal police, guards, and the federal garrison at 
once acknowledged his authority, and civil affairs went on as 
usual, without any apparent break or disturbance in govern- 
ment. During the two and a half days in which the city was 
in this interregnum, as I have noted, a general feeHng of in- 
security and apprehension of disorder pervaded commercial 
and social circles, but, greatly to the credit of the inhabitants, 
peace and order remained imdisturbed, and the various 
police duties and municipal administration of affairs were 
enforced as thoroughly as under the most rigid and respon- 
sible government. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE TRIUMPH OF DIAZ 

Notice was sent immediately to General Diaz of the aban- 
donment of the city by President Lerdo. He was then at 
Puebla, and the railroad not being in working order he, with 
a small escort, came over the mountains with all speed, but 
did not make his entry into the city till the afternoon of 
November 23, 1876, when he was received by an immense 
concourse of people with hearty demonstrations of enthusiasm. 
He was verily the hero of the hour, and he proved the paci- 
ficator of the country. For a generation to come Mexico was 
destined to enjoy an unexampled era of peace, security, and 
prosperity. 

Lerdo had fled, but a new source of trouble was encoun- 
tered by General Diaz. Under the Mexican Constitution the 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was ex-ofjicio Vice- 
President, and it was made his duty in case of a vacancy in 
the Presidency to assume the duties. A month before the 
fall of Lerdo, Mr. Iglesias, the Chief Justice, left the Capital, 
and from the city of Guanajuato issued a proclamation 
to the people, declaring that Lerdo's election as President 
was unconstitutional and void, and by his illegal acts he had 
forfeited the office, which Iglesias assumed temporarily until 
a new election could be held. A number of the interior States 
supported Iglesias, and an army was being collected to en- 
force his claims. He refused to recognize the revolutionary 
movement of Diaz, and the latter, immediately after his 
occupation of the Capital, marched against him. 

But no further fighting was necessary. The country recog- 



84 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

nized Diaz as the nation's chieftain. Besides his qualities as a 
dashing and successful general, he possessed a reputation for 
honesty and sincerity which inspired pubHc confidence, and 
it was felt not only that he had been unjustly debarred from 
the Presidency, but that under his rule the Republic might 
enjoy an era of peace for which the substantial interests of 
the country so greatly longed. The forces of Iglesias melted 
away, nor could Lerdo find supporters in the west. Both took 
refuge in the United States and left Diaz in undisputed 
possession of power. 

Senor Lerdo took up his residence in New York City, from 
which place he awaited the result of efforts being made on the 
Rio Grande frontier by his Minister of War and other ad- 
herents to restore him to power. But all these efforts came 
to naught, and he remained in that city up to his death. He 
claimed that he was the constitutional President of the na- 
tion, and that as the official exponent of a legitimate gov- 
ernment he could not return to the country and resume his 
citizenship without a tacit recognition of the revolutionary 
regime of General Diaz, which he was determined never to 
make. He therefore became a voluntary exile from his 
country, which he had served so long and with so much 
distinction and to which he was greatly attached. 

There was no interdict against his return and no confis- 
cation of his estate, the income of which was regularly sent to 
him in New York. He lived there a quiet, almost obscure 
life, but at his death his remains were taken to the City of 
Mexico and buried with marked honors in the National 
Cemetery, among the "Immortals." He was a gentleman of 
culture, an able lawyer, and one of the most useful of Mexico's 
public men, having rendered important services during the 
War of the Reform and the French Intervention. His great 
mistake was in seeking a reelection to the Presidency, after 
he had denounced the practice and opposed the reelection of 
Juarez. My personal relations with him in Mexico were very 




PORFIRIO DIAZ 
President of Mexico 



THE TRIUIVIPH OF DIAZ 85 

cordial, and the visits which I made to him in his retirement 
in New York seemed very grateful to him. 

General Diaz, having received the adhesion of the Iglesias 
army and of all the States, proceeded to estabhsh himself in 
authority, as the decree announced, according to the terms 
of the Constitution by calhng for elections to choose a Presi- 
dent, members of the Supreme Court, and the Congress. The 
decree, however, excluded from candidature all persons who 
in ci\al or military grades had done anything to recognize the 
reelection of Seiior Lerdo, who had participated in what were 
termed the electoral frauds, or who had voted in favor of the 
** extraordinary faculties." These prohibitions excluded 
from office more than three fourths of the members of the 
last two Congresses, and of the Supreme Court, and a vast 
number of civil and military officials, among the most ex- 
perienced and able of the prominent citizens of the RepubHc. 
The persons elected were required to take an oath to support 
the Constitution and the "Plan of Tuxtepec," by which 
latter pro\'ision all successful candidates would have to recog- 
nize the principles and practice of revolution as established 
by General Diaz. These conditions were declared by the 
Opposition press to be more odious, ilhberal, and exclusive 
than the electoral methods of the Lerdo Government. 

In the election held only a few months before, Lerdo had 
been declared to be chosen President by a practically unani- 
mous vote. As may be anticipated, none but the "Porfiris- 
tas" (the term applied to the partisans of Diaz) participated 
in the new election, Diaz was declared to be chosen President 
by the unanimous vote of the nation, and the members 
elected to the Supreme Court and to Congress were all of his 
party, not a single Opposition member being chosen to 
Congress. 

General Diaz returned to the Capital from his expedition 
against Iglesias on February 15, 1877, and resumed the exec- 
utive duties, those having been discharged during his ab- 



86 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

sence by one of his trusted generals. His first desire, in his 
foreign relations, was to secure the recognition of his Govern- 
ment by the United States and I was confronted with this 
question immediately after his return. 

By the terms of the Claims Treaty of 1868, Mexico was to 
make the first payment of $300,000 to the United States on 
the awards of the Claims Commission on January 31, 1877. 
When Diaz entered the Capital on November 23 he found the 
Federal Treasury empty, and his first act was to borrow from 
the bankers a sum sufficient to meet this payment, on which 
loan he obligated his Government to pay twelve per cent 
interest. The acceptance of this payment from the Diaz 
Government would constitute a recognition of it on the part 
of the United States, and the policy of the latter was not to 
be hasty in recognizing a revolutionary party established on 
the overthrow of the constitutional Government. I was 
authorized, however, by Secretary Fish to make the recog- 
nition, if it became necessary in order to enable Mexico to 
comply with the treaty and make the payment. But the 
Diaz Government, realizing this situation, agreed to make 
the payment through Sefior Mariscal, the Mexican Minister 
in Washington accredited by the Lerdo Administration, and 
through the accommodating spirit of the Diaz Government 
that question was for the occasion avoided. 

Still it was manifest that Diaz had created a de facto gov- 
ernment which was recognized throughout the RepubHc, and 
it was the only government with which I could hold relations 
to protect American interests. I therefore determined to 
assume the responsibility of establishing unofficial relations 
with it, and to postpone the formal and official recognition 
until after the elections had been held and Diaz installed as 
constitutional President. On consultation with my diplo- 
matic colleagues, they agreed to pursue the same course. 
Accordingly, without making any written communication 
on the subject, I made a formal call upon General Diaz and 



THE TRIUMPH OF DIAZ 87 

each member of his Cabinet, which v*^as promptly recipro- 
cated by a return call upon me at the Legation by each of 
them ; and, though I continued to transact business with the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, my written communications 
were always marked "unofficial." 

General Diaz was greatly reHeved and gratified at my 
action, and I at once entered into very friendly personal 
relations with him. When he came to the Capital he estab- 
lished himself in very modest and contracted quarters in a 
part of the National Palace, or Federal Building, where I was 
a frequent visitor. He manifested none of the boastful 
spirit of the victorious general, but was modest in the assum]> 
tion of civil executive duties, plainly showed that he was 
walking in an untried path, and welcomed counsel and en- 
couragement in the establishment of a government of law 
and order. 

The elections in February, 1877, having resulted in the 
choice of Diaz as President, and of a new Congress and Su- 
preme Court, steps were at once taken to have the revolu- 
tionary government assume the character of a constitutional 
one. After the new juchciary was estabhshed and the Con- 
gress organized, on May 5 General Diaz was inaugurated 
President with much pomp, and took the prescribed oath to 
uphold and defend the Constitution. 

I promptly advised the Government at Washington of this 
event by telegraph, and solicited its instructions as to the 
course I should pursue. As early as January I had advised 
my Government that, upon the establishment of a constitu- 
tional form, the Government of Diaz should be officially 
recognized; but six weeks elapsed before the instructions 
asked for were received. Meanwhile, and ever since the 
elections in February, the Mexican Minister for Foreign 
Affairs manifested much anxiety and even impatience as to 
the action of the United States respecting recognition. Gen- 
eral Diaz, after the formal assumption of power in February, 



88 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

had addressed an autograph letter to the President of the 
United States and the other heads of governments with 
which Mexico had diplomatic relations, informing them of 
that event. To this letter no reply had been received from 
the President of the United States. 

To aggravate the situation, all the other governments 
made formal recognition through their Ministers soon after 
the constitutional inauguration. The delay on the part of 
the United States, besides being a great disappointment, 
was a source of much embarrassment to the new Administra- 
tion in Mexico. At an early day after the Diaz Revolutionary 
Government was installed in the Capital, Senor Jose M. Mata, 
a man of large experience in public affairs, a good English 
scholar, and an estimable gentleman, had been commissioned 
as Minister to the United States ; but on his arrival in Wash- 
ington he found that he would not be received. This left the 
Minister of the Lerdo Administration (Sr. Mariscal) in charge 
of the Mexican Legation in Washington, and all the Lerdist 
Consuls also in office throughout the United States, whilst 
Lerdo 's partisans were seeking to set on foot a counter- 
revolution to restore their leader to power. 

Another event occurred about this time which threatened 
to cause an irreparable breach between the two countries. 
For a number of years previous to this time the condition of 
affairs on the land frontier had been very unsatisfactory. 
Uncivilized Indians were living on both sides of and not far 
from the international boundary. Indians made incursions 
from one side and the other, and it was charged that the local 
authorities were not vigilant to prevent these depredations. 
But the chief locality of the trouble was on the Rio Grande 
frontier, where not only the Indians but smugglers and revo- 
lutionists were constantly disturbing the peace. The citizens 
and authorities of Texas were continually sending their com- 
plaints to Washington and clamoring for protection and 
redress. 



THE TRIUMPH OF DIAZ 89 

Early in the Administration of President Lerdo, the Gov- 
ernment of the United States directed its Minister to give 
notice to the Mexican Government that unless these dis- 
orders were suppressed, instructions would be given to the 
American troops to follow the marauders across the bor- 
der into Mexico and punish them. Later, permission was 
asked of the Mexican Government for this purpose, but it 
was not granted, the latter undertaking to make more 
vigorous effort to suppress the disorders. 

It deplored the situation and doubtless was actuated by 
a sincere desire to put an end to the troubles, but there were 
three obstacles which stood in the way of efficient measures 
on its part. First, the straitened circumstances of the Treas- 
ury prevented the maintenance of a large federal force in 
that distant locality ; second, the soldiers, who were conscripts, 
took advantage of the nearness of the frontier to desert; 
and, third, the revolutionary state of the country caused 
more pressing need for the army elsewhere. This situation 
led the American federal forces to cross the frontier in hot 
pursuit of raiders more than once in President Lerdo's time, 
but such acts were followed by vigorous protests on the part 
of Mexico. 

For some time after the accession of General Diaz, he was 
too busy with securing the consoHdation of his Administra- 
tion to give much attention to the Rio Grande frontier, with 
the result that the outlaws and smugglers had a free hand. 
Added to this disorder. General Escabedo, Lerdo's Minister 
of War, had established himself in Texas near the border, and 
his adherents were seeking to organize a counter-revolution. 
This brought about conflicts with the Diaz authorities, who 
in more than one instance pursued the revolutionists across 
the river into Texas. In view of the turbulent condition of 
affairs, the Secretary of War of the United States on June 1, 
1877, issued an order to General Ord, commanding in Texas, 
authorizing the federal troops, where in his judgment it 



90 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

became necessary, to pursue Mexican marauders across the 
frontier and arrest or punish them on Mexican soih 

This order when published in Mexico created the most 
intense excitement, and both the Opposition and the Admin- 
istration newspapers denounced it as a gross disregard of 
Mexican sovereignty and an insult to the whole nation. 
General Diaz, under the impulse of the popular demand, 
caused instructions to be sent to the general in command, 
directing him to put himself in communication with the 
American commander on the frontier and of!"er his coopera- 
tion for the suppression of outlawry and disorder, but should 
the American troops enter Mexican territory and exercise 
jurisdiction, he should "repel with force the insult that is 
sought to be inflicted on Mexico by the invasion of her terri- 
tory." 

The day before the order to the Mexican commander was 
issued, I had a notable interview with Seiior Vallarta, the 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. The instructions which I had so 
impatiently awaited from the Government at Washington 
respecting the recognition of the Diaz Government had 
finally reached me and I was directed to communicate them 
to him. They were disappointing to me, and I knew they 
would create a serious condition of affairs with Mexico. I 
was informed that the Government of the United States 
would wait before recognizing General Diaz as the President 
of Mexico until it was assured that his election was approved 
by the Mexican people, and that his Administration possessed 
vStabiHty to endure and a disposition to comply with the 
rules of international comity and the obligations of treaties. 
The dispatch embodying these instructions contained a re- 
\'iew of the Rio Grande border troubles, the injuries sus- 
tained by American citizens through unjust exactions, the 
imprisonment of a Consul, and various other causes of com- 
plaint, and stated that some adjustment of these matters 
should precede recognition, as the United States, while it 



THE TRIUMPH OF DIAZ 91 

sought amity and cordial relations with the sister Republic, 
preferred to await some evidence that its friendship would be 
reciprocated. 

After reading the dispatch a lengthy conversation followed. 
Seiior Vallarta insisted that the Government of General Diaz 
possessed all the conditions of recognition required by in- 
ternational law and practice, and he cited the recognition 
already made by all the other nations with which Mexico 
had diplomatic relations. So far as concerned the complaints 
of the United States and the claims of its citizens, he said 
their adjustment properly should follow recognition, espe- 
cially as some of them required treaty or diplomatic agree- 
ments. 

He then charged that a change had taken place in the 
policy of the Government of the United States with the 
advent of President Hayes ; for while Mr. Fish was Secretary 
of State, a disposition had been manifested that, with the 
inauguration of General Diaz as constitutional President, 
he would be recognized as such. He claimed to have private 
advices from New York and Washington that a scheme had 
been concocted to bring about a war and annexation of 
Mexican territory ; and that the order to General Ord, who 
was an annexationist, was designed to accomplish this. He 
inveighed bitterly against ti.e military order of June 1, de- 
claring that it had disregarded all the rules of international 
law and the practices of civilized nations, and treated the 
Mexicans as savages, as Kaffirs of Africa ; that an absolute 
declaration of war would have been more considerate ; and 
that no Government could stand in Mexico for a moment 
against the popular indignation, if it did not repel the in- 
vasion of its territory by force of arms. 

The report of this interview and the documents connected 
with the order of June 1 have been published, and I do not 
reproduce here my answer to the foregoing, in which I sought 
to maintain the justice of the position of our Government. 



92 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

My report of Seiior Vallarta's statements falls far short of 
conveying a fair idea of the intensity of his feelings. 

There is no doubt of the correctness of his statement that 
there had been a change of poUcy as to recognition after the 
inauguration of President Hayes, and there was some foun- 
dation for his charge that a scheme had been formed to bring 
on a war through the Texas troubles. Some months later 
when I visited Washington I was informed on good authority 
that certain gentlemen, whose names were given me and 
who were especially interested in the success of the Adminis- 
tration of President Hayes, had conceived the idea that, in 
view of the tension in the public mind created by the parti- 
sans of Mr. Tilden and of the disturbed condition of affairs 
in the Southern States, it would divert attention from pend- 
ing issues and tend greatly to consolidate the new Admin- 
istration, if a war could be brought on with Mexico and 
another sHce of its territory added to the Union. 

The change of policy as to recognition of the Diaz Govern- 
ment and the vigorous policy as to the Rio Grande frontier 
indicated in the order of June 1, authorizing the crossing into 
Mexico of American troops, may be explained by the exist- 
ence of such a scheme. There was other evidence pointing 
in that direction. In the same month of June, about the time 
of my interview with Seiior Vallarta, two gentlemen arrived 
in Mexico bringing letters to me from Mr. Evarts, Secretary 
of State. One of these was Seiior Vallejo, a resident of Cali- 
fornia at the time of its annexation to the United States, and 
then a Mexican citizen of Spanish descent, at that time a 
large landowner and prominent in the early history of that 
State. He was accompanied by his son-in-law, General John 
B. Frisbie, an American, of pleasing address and energetic 
spirit, but of a visionary temperament. 

Before coming to Mexico they visited Washington and laid 

^ before Mr. Evarts and others prominent in Administration 

circles their plan, which was to put such pressure upon 



THE TRIUMPH OF DIAZ 93 

Mexico as would present to it the alternative of hostilities or 
the sale of some of the northern States of that Republic. They 
claimed that as Mexico was hard-pushed fmancially, rather 
than run the risk of a war with the United States, and his 
overthrow by the Lerdist party, General Diaz for a large 
sum of money would consent to part with the territory. 
They, with a knowledge of the language and of the Mexican 
character, were to be the intermediaries through whom Diaz 
was to be approached and the terms of purchase to be in- 
formally agreed upon, after which the official negotiations 
were to be conducted. 

Strange to say, their scheme was so far entertained that 
they were empowered in a purely unofficial way to approach 
Diaz on the subject. There never was the remotest chance 
of success, but even the ghost of a chance was destroyed by 
their own conduct. Too many persons in Washington were 
in the secret, Sefior Vallejo was a garrulous old man, and both 
he and his son-in-law were so greatly elated with the im- 
portance of their mission that it was very faintly concealed. 
The Washington correspondents got into the secret, and 
while the emissaries were en route their plans were published 
to the world. The Mexican Government indignantly denied 
that it ever had been approached or that it would for a mo- 
ment entertain any such unpatriotic proposal, and Messrs. 
Vallejo and Frisbie had nothing left them on arrival in 
Mexico but to disavow their mission. 

Other incidents occurred still further to complicate the 
relations between the two Governments. Senor Mata grew 
restive and weary under his position at Washington, and 
asked to be relieved. Senor Zamacona, a justice of the Su- 
preme Court, a man of high ability, and familiar with the 
United States, was sent to replace him; but he shared the 
same fate, and was unable to change the attitude of Secretary 
Evarts as to recognition, Senor Mata on his return reported 
to his Government and said to me that he had little hope of a 



94 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

peaceful settlement of our difficulties. About the same time, 
in my dispatches to the Department of State, I stated that 
with the public and in official circles there was a growing 
restiveness and bitterness of feeling on account of the delay 
in recognition; that there was a wide-spread feeling in the 
country that our Government was inspired with its "mani- 
fest destiny" sooner or later to absorb the whole of Mexico ; 
and that every positive act on our part was interpreted 
as a deliberate plan to provoke a conflict and acquire terri- 
tory. 

I had been directed by Secretary Evarts and empowered 
by the President to negotiate with Mexico a treaty to cover 
all the matters of difference, to regulate the frontier ques- 
tions, to adjust the outstanding claims, to protect American 
citizens from forced loans and revolutionary exactions, and 
to put our commercial intercourse on a better footing. In 
various interviews with Senor Vallarta I had urged these 
subjects upon his attention, and we had examined the differ- 
ent matters in detail, but little progress had been made. 
Finally, acting upon Secretary Evarts's instructions I pressed 
for a treaty. Senor Vallarta laid the matter before President 
Diaz, and, after a Cabinet consultation, he informed me that 
it had been determined that no treaty should be agi-eed upon 
nor any of the pending questions further considered until 
after his Government had been officially recognized ; that this 
act was demanded as a right and that no condition precedent 
should be made ; as it was neither respectable nor honorable 
to beg recognition. 

Being satisfied that the Government at Washington mis- 
apprehended the situation in Mexico and the spirit of the 
Diaz Government, during the summer of 1877 I asked leave 
to visit Washington to confer with the President and Secre- 
tary of State ; but Secretary Evarts did not think it best for 
me to leave my post. The autumn wore away into the winter 
without any clash on the Rio Grande frontier, but with no 



THE TRIUMPH OF DIAZ 95 

further progress made towards a relief of the strained rela- 
tions between the two Governments. 

An ineffectual effort had been put forth to secure some 
action of the Congress of the United States in support of the 
Administration's attitude respecting Mexican affairs, but a 
committee of the House of Representatives was engaged in 
making an investigation of conditions on. the Rio Grande 
frontier, with a member of the House from Texas as chairman 
who was in sympathy with the attitude of the Administra- 
tion. In January, 1878, I was summoned to appear before 
that committee, and under the instructions of the Secretary 
of State, I went to Washington, and gave my testimony 
before the committee respecting the situation on the frontier, 
the stability of the Diaz Government, and its disposition 
towards American citizens and enterprises. 

The President and Secretary Evarts became satisfied from 
my representations that it would be better not to delay 
further the recognition, and I carried back with me to Mexico 
authority to place myself in official relations with the Mexi- 
can Government. This I did by communicating to the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs a copy of my instructions to that end 
on April 11, 1878, sixteen months after General Diaz had 
entered the Capital and taken possession of the Government, 
and nearly a year after he had been recognized by the other 
Powers. This period had been one of intense anxiety to the 
Diaz Administration, and of great embarrassment to me 
personally, as it was my duty loyally to support my Govern- 
ment, and I could not intimate to the Mexicans that the 
policy as to recognition was contrary to my recommendation 
and advice. 

Immediately after the recognition I was invited by the 
President to a banquet given in my honor in the National 
Palace to celebrate the gratifying event, at which there were 
present the Cabinet and leading Government officials; and 
the week following the President accepted an invitation to 



96 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

a dinner at the Legation attended by the Cabinet, the Diplo- 
matic Corps, and other high officials. The utmost cordiality- 
prevailed and the hope was entertained that the two 
neighboring Republics had entered upon a new era of mutual 
confidence and friendly relations. 



CHAPTER IX 

MEXICO UNDER DIAZ 

Upon receipt by the Department of State of my notification 
that official relations had been reestablished with the Mexi- 
can Government, on May 7 Senor Zamacona was received 
by President Hayes and delivered his credentials, which he 
had been w^aiting in Washington six months to present. In 
order not to leave the Mexican Government without official 
relations pending recognition of General Diaz, Senor Ignacio 
Mariscal, the accredited Minister under President Lerdo, 
remained at his post and discharged his delicate duties with 
impartiaUty. He had resided many years in the United 
States, first as Secretary and afterw^ards as Minister. 

Seiior Mariscal returned to Mexico in April, 1878, and re- 
mained in private fife for a short time only, as President 
Diaz knew too well his ability and experience to allow the 
country to be deprived of his services. He was a member 
of the Constituent Congress and signed the Constitution of 
1857 which inaugurated the Reform Movement and which 
still continues to be the fundamental law of Mexico. Presi- 
dent Diaz made him a member of his Cabinet in 1879, and the 
following year he assumed the duties of Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs, which post he has continued to hold, with a short 
interv^al as Minister to Great Britain. His career as a diplo- 
matist has not been equaled in length of service by any one 
of his generation, and few public men of any country have 
had to do with such weighty questions or discharged their 
duties with such signal success. He has remained continu- 
ously the Prime Minister of the Diaz Government, and to 
him is due a large share of the credit for its achievements. 



98 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Another instance of the discernment of General Diaz in 
avaihng his Administration of the services of the adherents 
of his former antagonist, Lerdo, was his treatment of Manuel 
Romero Rubio. The latter as a Senator unsparingly de- 
nounced the revolutionary proceeding of Diaz and ably 
contended for the maintenance of the constitutional methods 
of government. A short time before his fall, President Lerdo 
made him his Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and he accom- 
panied his defeated chief into exile, and remained with him 
for some time in New York awaiting the result of General 
Escobedo's efforts to create a reaction against Diaz. Wlien 
those efforts failed, Romero Rubio 's longing for his native 
land, the comforts of his palatial home, and the endearments 
of his charming family were too strong to be longer resisted, 
and he quietly returned to Mexico and resumed his residence 
as a private citizen. He had a large circle of influential 
friends and was one of the most forceful politicians in the 
country, and it was not a great while before President Diaz 
offered him a place in his Cabinet. 

There is a romance connected with the Romero Rubio 
family, in which the American Legation played an important 
part and which resulted in lasting and beneficent influence 
upon the destinies of the Repubhc. This was one of the first 
of the Mexican famiHes with whom Mrs. Foster and I estab- 
lished intimate social relations, and our children were much 
together in the seven years of our residence there. WTien 
Sefior Manuel Romero Rubio fled from the Capital with 
President Lerdo on that gloomy November night, in taking 
leave of me he commended to my care his wife and children, 
in case they should need protection from the anticipated 
Diaz uprising in the city. Happily no such danger threatened 
them, and on a visit to their residence the next morning I 
found them assured of safety. 

On the return of Seiior Romero Rubio, he, his wife, and 
eldest daughter were often visitors at the Legation on our 



MEXICO UNDER DIAZ 99 

informal Tuesday night receptions. On one of these nights 
President Diaz honored us with his presence. His attention 
was attracted to the beautiful and charming daughter of his 
implacable foe, the former Senator and Cabinet Minister, 
and he asked Mrs. Foster to present him to her, which she 
did with some trepidation, knowing the existing pohtical 
antipathy. This acquaintance later ripened into a matri- 
monial engagement, and the winsome daughter of the 
Lerdist chief became "the first lady" of the land. 

It proved to be an alliance of prime importance for the 
country. General Diaz was not without education and cul- 
ture, as he had passed through the collegiate school of his 
native State and was engaged in his course of study for the 
law w^hen the American invasion of 1847 occurred, which led 
him into the army. Thenceforth his whole life was that of a 
soldier, and he needed the gentle nature of a woman of refine- 
ment to soften the asperities acquired in the camp and field. 
Mrs. Diaz was an accomplished English and French scholar, 
vivacious and attractive in conversation, and the President's 
residence easily became the leading centre of Mexican society. 
She was also a devout Catholic and active in church enter- 
prises and charities. As the head of the Government, as well 
as a conspicuous leader in the Reform Movement, President 
Diaz had to see to the enforcement of the rigorous laws 
against the Catholic Church ; but the gentle influence of Mrs. 
Diaz made them appear less harsh to the hierarchy. With the 
affectionate familiarity characteristic of the Spanish race, 
the people called her by the endearing title of "Carmencita," 
and she became the idol of the nation. 

The friendly feeling and cordiality manifested at the time 
of the recognition by the United States of the Diaz Govern- 
ment in April, 1878, was unfortunately of short duration. 
The ground upon which Secretary Evarts based his instruc- 
tion to me to make the recognition was that the Government 
of General Diaz found itself embarrassed in the discussion of 



100 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

pending matters of difference between the two nations, and 
placed under constraint in reaching a satisfactory settlement 
of these matters by the absence of recognition. I was in- 
structed to follow up the recognition by insisting upon some 
permanent measures for the preservation of peace and the 
punishment of outlawry on the frontier, the better protection 
of American citizens and their interests in Mexico, and the 
settlement of the various matters of complaint already 
presented. 

I accordingly entered with the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
upon a consideration of these matters, and was encountering 
the delays incident to diplomatic negotiations with a new 
government not strongly intrenched in power and with a 
scant treasury, when comphcations arose which made the 
negotiations still more difficult. Escobedo, the Lerdist gen- 
eral, had again visited Texas and was engaged in the effort to 
start another revolution in the frontier Mexican States. Dis- 
order and outlawry were again rampant, and during the 
spring and summer of 1878 the American troops several times 
crossed into Mexico in pursuit of or to punish marauders. 

This threw the pubhc press of the Capital into a state of 
more or less frantic excitement. The old reports v/ere circu- 
lated anew that the Government of the United States was 
inspired by a hostile spirit, and was seeking to bring about 
annexation or a protectorate over Mexico. The Diaz Govern- 
ment, influenced in some degree by the pubhc clamor, brought 
the negotiations to a standstill, and demanded that the order 
of June 1 authorizing the crossing of the frontier by American 
troops should be withdrawn. 

Sefior Zamacona, the Mexican Minister to the United 
States, ineffective in his efforts with Secretary Evarts, sought, 
with some diplomatic circumspection, to create a public sen- 
timent in the country favorable to Mexico. His address be- 
fore a commercial convention at Chicago was interpreted as 
an appeal from the Government to the people of the United 




MRS. PORFIKIO DIAZ 



MEXICO UNDER DIAZ 101 

States and the Diaz official organ in Mexico City, in its report 
of the meeting said that "strong condemnation was uttered 
by distinguished persons against the annexation intrigue, 
which was so greatly disturbing the serenity of the relations 
between the two Republics." 

Senor Matias Romero, so long the able Mexican represent- 
ative in Washington, in a semi-official paper which he pub- 
lished at this crisis stated as a fact that "the Government of 
the United States entertained sentiments of hostility towards 
Mexico, and was looking for motives or pretexts for creating 
difficulties between the two nations." Nothing could be more 
significant of the state of pubhc sentiment in the country 
than such an utterance from the one man who knew best the 
American Government and people from long residence and 
friendly feeling. A few years later Senor Romero again be- 
came the diplomatic representative in Washington, in which 
post he continued for sixteen years up to the time of his 
death. 

In October, 1878, I reported to the Department of State 
that the prevaihng belief in Mexico was that the situation 
would result in war. An incident had occurred the month 
previous in which I was an unintentional participant that 
afforded the press an opportunity to circulate more alarming 
rumors. It is the custom in Mexico to celebrate the anniver- 
sary of National Independence by a pubhc celebration on the 
night of September 15, a part of the exercises being a meeting 
usually held in one of the largest theatres of the Capital, at 
which the President of the RepubHc presides, accompanied 
by his Cabinet and other high officials. On the occasion an 
oration is dehvered, a poem recited, with patriotic songs and 
national airs, concluding with "El Grito de Hidalgo" for 
liberty and independence. 

To the anniversary celebration of that year I was invited 
with my family and suite, and a prominent box reserved for 
our use. In \iew of the bitterness of feehng existing in the 



102 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

country against my Government I feared that my absence 
might be misconstrued, and I attended the celebration with 
the Secretary of Legation and members of my family. The 
poem proved to be a fierce diatribe against the Government 
of the United States and its attitude on the questions then 
disturbing the public, read in a most excited manner, and it 
did not fail to stir up the audience to a state almost of frenzy. 
The cry of "Death to the Yankees" shouted from every part 
of the house, mingled with groans and cat-calls, fixed the at- 
tention of the entire audience upon the box of the American 
Minister. I remained impassive in my seat till the excitement 
subsided, and after the exercises were again in progress I 
quietly withdrew with my family, leaving the Secretary in 
the box. 

The event gave occasion to various wild rumors in the 
press and political circles. One was that I had demanded my 
passports and was preparing to leave the country, thus 
breaking off diplomatic relations ; another, that I had ceased 
to be persona grata and that the Mexican Government had 
asked for my recall. The matter was being so freely discussed 
in the newspapers and even noticed in the "Official Journal," 
that I felt it necessary to write a personal note to the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, stating that I had never for a moment con- 
sidered the federal authorities in any way responsible for 
whatever had occurred in the national festival improper or 
discourteous to my country or Government, and that the 
demonstration could only be regarded as the unpremeditated 
expression of a miscellaneous audience in a time of popular 
excitement. The Minister responded that my note had given 
the President much pleasure, but that he had never thought 
that I had given the matter any importance, "as he knew so 
well your [my] high intelligence." The correspondence was 
published in the "Official Journal," and it put an end to the 
exciting rumors. It is due to the Mexican press to say that it 
was unanimous in expressing condemnation of the author of 



MEXICO UNDER DIAZ 103 

the poem and of the demonstration as wanting in elementary 
courtesy and hospitaUty. 

The same press, however, was united in condemning what 
it charged was the poUcy of the United States in seeking to 
bring about hostilities with a view to annexation or the estab- 
Ushment of a protectorate. A few extracts from one of the 
leading and most temperate of the newspapers of the Capital 
will show the spirit which animated the press at that time. 
It adds to the interest of the article from which the quota- 
tions are made when I state that the writer had traveled 
much in Europe and America, was famihar with our lan- 
guage, and had spent several months in the United States 
during the Hayes-Tilden campaign of 1876. It was in part 
as follows : — 

A Philadelphia paper, with audacity truly American, has 
asserted that our nation knocks at the door of the United 
States, demanding protection against the bandits who at the 
present time despoil it of its rich inheritance. It adds that if 
the public sentiment were consulted by means of the ballot, 
a verdict in favor of a protectorate of the American Govern- 
ment would be unanimous. 

This is a falsehood. The protection of honor and good 
faith we do not solicit — still less will we accept the annexa- 
tion which is masked as a protectorate. "Whatever may be our 
misfortimes, we resign ourselves to them at once. This is the 
sentiment which prevails throughout Mexico. 

There are no allies on this side of the Rio Grande. In case 
of war, there would be only enemies who would spring up 
from our rich soil. The climate also would be our ally. The 
national sentiment would, in addition, fortify itself in the 
antipathy of races, the difference of customs, and even in 
rehgious hatred. 

Another campaign like that of 1847 and 1848 cannot be re- 
peated successfully. The times of Santa Anna have passed. 



104 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

The Mexicans have progressed. To-day they know that the 
American does not civilize — he exterminates. It is then a 
dream, a real nightmare, this project of annexation. . . . 

Concerning pubHc safety, in the United States it is as im- 
perfect as in Mexico, and in certain places it absolutely does 
not exist. Trains are often thrown from the track, detained 
and robbed by parties of bandits, as in Missouri ; the banks 
are assaulted by bands of armed men, as in St. Paul. In New 
York frequently in the commercial quarter warehouses are 
emptied in a single night by daring thieves. Not a day passes 
that ladies are not robbed in the streets. The same happens 
to men, with the difference that it is customary to assault or 
strangle them. Assassinations with knife and revolver are 
the order of the day. All these occurrences occupy columns 
daily in the newspapers. The well-organized police of New 
York is impotent against the rogues, burglars, and pick- 
pockets. 

Concerning the immorality of administration we will sim- 
ply say that it has not a parallel in any other nation. The 
whiskey frauds, the trial of Babcock, that of ex-Secretary 
Belknap, that of Tweed, Mayor of New York ; and in foreign 
countries, the Fremont bond affair and the Emma Mine by 
Minister Schenck, are shameless acts, which have overthrown 
the good credit of the United States. . . . 

Here neither property nor the individual is guaranteed; 
neither are they in the United States. We had a corrupt and 
immoral administration ; the people overthrew it, and at the 
present time are attempting their regeneration. The inter- 
vention of force in the elections disannuls the pubHc vote, 
corrupts the institutions, and provokes civil war among the 
Mexicans. Official pressure, money lavished by handfuls 
upon electors, and the intervention of force also provoke 
deplorable disorders among the Americans. 

We are far from excusing faults which we denounce daily 
before the tribmial of public opinion, endeavoring to correct 



MEXICO UNDER DIAZ 105 

them ; but when our elders in experience, our superiors in 
constitutional practice and in the administrative service can- 
not avoid them, can we correct ours instantaneously? How 
can they give us their protection, when they need regenerat- 
ing themselves? 

The want of agreement between the Governments of the 
United States and of Mexico and a certain tension in their re- 
lations continued through the autumn and winter of 1878-9. 
The Administration at Washington declined to recall the 
order of June 1, but with the better guarding of the frontier 
by Mexico, the crossing of American troops ceased, and 
happily no conflict occurred between the federal forces of the 
two Governments, and that only could lead to hostilities. 

With the passage of time without any successful counter- 
revolution, President Diaz was enabled more and more to 
strengthen his hold upon power and improve his Administra- 
tion. The customs and excise were more honestly accounted 
for and the financial credit of the Government improved. 
This fact and the general prevalence of order gave the Pre- 
sident greater ability to meet the expectations of the Wash- 
ington Administration, gradually a better state of relations 
resulted, the order for crossing of American troops was with- 
drawn, and the differences assumed a more satisfactory dip- 
lomatic footing. Before Diaz's first four-years' term expired 
the relations between the two Governments had become quite 
cordial. 

We have seen that in organizing his revolution against 
Juarez and later against Lerdo, General Diaz made "no 
reelection" his battle-cry. In estabfishing his Government 
after the expulsion of Lerdo from the country, he submitted 
to the States of the Republic an amendment to the Federal 
Constitution prohibiting the reelection of the President of 
the RepubHc or the Governors of the States for the next 
succeeding term. This amendment was unanimously ap- 



106 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

proved by the States and the Federal Congress, and duly 
proclaimed by President Diaz in 1878. 

True to his professions, General Diaz retired from office at 
the expiration of his first four-years' term in 1880, and one of 
his favorite lieutenants was chosen as his successor ; but the 
Administration of the latter proved so inefficient and corrupt 
that there was a universal demand from the country that 
Diaz should again resume the Presidency, which he did. This 
he could do without inconsistency, as a four-years' term had 
intervened since he had left the position. But during his sec- 
ond term, under his wise and successful management of af- 
fairs the country was so peaceful and prosperous that there 
arose again a universal demand that he should continue in 
office. This could only be done constitutionally by a repeal 
of the amendment adopted in 1878, and the States with alac- 
rity took the necessary action. Under such conditions Gen- 
eral Diaz will have remained at the end of his present term 
continuously in the Presidency for twenty-six years. 

During those years the country has enjoyed unparalleled 
prosperity, and it was natural that the inhabitants who had 
been so greatly benefited by his administration should wish 
to continue him in power. But I regard it as mistaken states- 
manship to have so long yielded to their desire. In reviewing 
the history of Mexico and the other independent Spanish- 
American States we have seen that the chief cause of their 
frequent revolutions has been the effort to change their 
presidents. The transfer of the administration by the peace- 
ful and constitutional methods has proved in many instances 
a failure. This has been the case particularly in Mexico. 

It would have been a wdse and patriotic act for General 
Diaz to have retired from the Presidency at the end of his 
second term, leaving the prohibitive clause of the Constitu- 
tion in force. He would then have been in a position to guar- 
antee a peaceful election of a successor and a continuance of 
the good order and prosperity which he had estabfished. The 



MEXICO UNDER DIAZ 107 

people also might have had an opportunity to test their abil- 
ity to conduct a government by means of a free and untram- 
meled exercise of the electoral franchise, a condition as yet 
unknown in Mexico. The benevolent autocracy under his 
administration has resulted in great prosperity for the coun- 
try, but it has done little to educate the masses of the people 
in their duties under a republican government. 

The biographer of Pericles, the greatest of the repubhcan 
rulers of Athens, in describing the disorders which followed 
his death, makes these comments : *'In his determination to 
be the foremost man in the city, he left no room for a second. 
. . . Under his shadow no fresh shoots sprang. He taught 
the people to follow him as leader, and left no one behind to 
lead them ; he destroyed their independence — or at least 
the mutual play of opposite forces — and when he died came 
'the deluge.' There was no one who could succeed him. A 
democracy without great men is a dangerous democracy." 

Let us hope this will not be the experience of Mexico fol- 
lowing the death of President Diaz. 



CHAPTER X 

COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 

^ During my Mexican mission I devoted much time and 
thought to the improvement of the commercial relations be- 
tween the two countries. At that time the foreign trade of 
Mexico was small and was chiefly with Europe. The small- 
ness of the trade with the United States was due mainly to 
two causes, — first, the want of communication, and, second, 
the revolutionary character of the country. With the ap- 
proval of our Government, I sought to negotiate a treaty of 
commercial reciprocity, but I soon found it impracticable. 
To establish commercial reciprocity the means of communi- 
cation should be cheap and frequent. At first the only reg- 
ular communication was by a steamer from New York once in 
three weeks, and later a steamer twice a month from New 
Orleans. A small subsidy was granted this line by Mexico, 
but no aid was given by the Government of the United 
States. It will be seen in my notice of railroad legislation at 
that period that intercourse by that method was not greatly 
favored in Mexico. 

The revolutionary character of the country, the changes of 
customs officials at the ports, and the irregular and oppress- 
ive acts of those officials greatly obstructed free commerce 
by sea. A large part of my time was taken up with laying 
before the Mexican Government the complaints of American 
merchants and vessels, and those of other nations whose 
interests were under my care, for onerous exactions and 
injustice at the custom-houses. Besides, the constant dis- 
orders and insecurity in the country prevented the free devel- 
opment of its resources and tended to restrain commerce. 



COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 109 

While I was Minister two commercial delegations visited 
the City of Mexico. The first of these came from New Orleans 
in commemoration of the estabhshment of the steamship line 
between that city and Vera Cruz. Their visit was on invita- 
tion of the " Lonja Mercantil " of the Capital ; they received 
marked attention and hospitahty from the mercantile organ- 
izations and prominent private citizens; and they were 
entertained with a dinner in the National Palace by the 
President, at which time he expressed the deep interest he 
felt in the development and enlargement of the commercial 
relations of the two countries. But their visit did not ma- 
terially increase the trade. 

In January, 1879, an excursion party, organized in Chicago 
with the avowed object of promoting more intimate com- 
mercial intercourse, visited the Capital. It was made up 
largely of tourists, but contained a number of representatives 
of manufacturing and commercial houses. The Government 
furnished them a suitable building in which to exliibit sam- 
ples of their products and merchandise, and they were enter- 
tained with excursions, dinners, a ball, and other civilities. 
But this visit also had httle influence upon the existing trade 
conditions. 

It is fitting to note, in this connection, the history of the 
railroad communication between the two countries, as its 
estabhshment has greatly influenced the improved and en- 
larged commercial relations. Communication between the 
twoRepubhcs by an improved land route, which would afford 
free intercourse and trade, had always been a favorite meas- 
ure with the Government of the United States. In the instruc- 
tions which accompanied the appointment in 1825 of our 
first Minister to Mexico, Mr. Poinsett, which were written by 
the then Secretary of State, Henry Clay, our representative 
was particularly instructed to exert himself to secure the 
cooperation of the Mexican Government in the construction 
of a projected road to connect the two nations, from St. 



^/ 



110 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Louis tlirougli the Indian Country, via Santa Fe ; and similar 
instructions were given by the succeeding Secretary of State, 
Martin Van Buren. 

Nothing came of these projects for many years, mainly 
owing to the revolutionary conditions in Mexico. On my 
arrival in the country the only railroad in operation, as al- 
ready noticed, was that from the seaport of Vera Cruz to the 
Gty of Mexico, and it had required about twenty years for 
its construction, because of the disturbed state of the country 
and the poverty of its treasury. The first serious step taken 
towards railroad communication with the United States was 
in 1874 in the celebration of a contract by the Lerdo Admin- 
istration with Mr. E. L. Plumb, representing the Texas 
railroad system and New York capitahsts. The approval of 
this contract was bitterly opposed in Congress, on the ground 
that it was unsafe to intrust railroad construction in the Re- 
public to an American company, and that it was dangerous 
to its interests to have the railroad system of the United 
States extended into Mexican territory, as it would be used 
to facilitate another invasion of the country. 

Mr. Plumb had not succeeded in securing the approval of 
his contract by the Congress and perfecting its terms when 
the Diaz revolution occurred, a part of the announced plan 
of which was the nullification of various of the contracts 
made by the Lerdo Administration. Mr. Plumb thereupon 
withdrew from the country, and the capitahsts represented 
by him made no further efforts to secure a concession. 

In 1877 a contract was made by the Diaz Government with 
a company represented by General W. J. Palmer for a system 
of railroads to connect the City of Mexico with the United 
States and with the Pacific Coast. This contract met with 
strong opposition in the Congress based upon much the same 
ground as that taken in resisting the Plumb contract. The 
leading opponent was Hon. Alfredo Chavero, a prominent 
pubHc man, a supporter of the Diaz Administration, and 



COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 111 

Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies. He contended that "it 
is very poor policy, very injudicious to estabUsh within our 
country a powerful American company; ... we should 
always fear the United States"; and he said the contract 
should be rejected because it was "a danger for the independ- 
ence and the future of the country." The climax of his argu- 
ment was the following metaphor: "Go and propose to the 
lion of the desert to exchange his cave of rocks for a golden 
cage, and the Hon of the desert will reply to you with a roar 
of hberty." 

It is due to Senor Chavero and his associates of the Con- 
gress which refused to approve the contract to say that their 
action was taken at the time which I have described, when 
the country was in a frenzy of excitement over the Rio 
Grande troubles and the supposed hostile attitude of the 
Government of the United States. He Uved to make frequent 
visits over the railroads to the United States, with whose 
people and authorities he estabhshed a most cordial friend- 
ship. With the restoration of amicable relations and good 
will between the two Governments, the opposition to 
international railroad communication ceased, and in 1880 
contracts were made with American companies which 
have resulted in the present system of lines between the two 
Republics. 

These Hnes have contributed greatly towards the solution 
of the commercial questions. Since their construction two 
unsuccessful efforts have been made to negotiate reciprocity 
treaties. In 1883 General Grant and Mr. Trescot, on the part 
of the United States, and Minister Romero, for Mexico, 
negotiated such a treaty, which was ratified by the Senate 
and proclaimed by the President ; but owing to the opposi- 
tion of specially protected interests in our country, it was 
never possible to secure the legislation of Congress to put 
it into operation. In 1891 I was empowered by President 
Harrison to negotiate a reciprocity arrangement with Mexico 



112 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

under the McKinley Tariff of 1890, but the same interests 
which defeated the Grant-Romero Treaty stood in the way 
of any satisfactory agreement. The estabhshment and mul- 
tiplication of international railroad communications has 
largely supplanted the need of reciprocity treaties, as they 
more than any other one influence have revolutionized the 
commercial conditions and given to the United States its 
present great predominance in the trade of Mexico, which 
both in exports and imports is larger than that of all other 
countries combined, and many times greater than that of 
the next leading foreign country. 

Diplomatic questions were not the only ones which occu- 
pied my attention during my residence in Mexico, and I 
found the leisure and opportunity to study other subjects of 
more or less public importance. I took a special interest in 
the cultivation of coffee, to which a large area of the country 
is well adapted, and I sought to learn why it had not assumed 
greater proportions as an article of export. I visited Vera 
Cruz, Michoacan, and Colima, the States where it is most 
grown, in pursuit of my inquiries, and I sent a report of my 
investigation to my Government, which was pubHshed in the 
reports of the Department of Agriculture and as a Congres- 
sional Document, reproduced by the press, and translated 
and published with favorable comments in Mexico. 

I also made a report upon wheat cultivation. The staple 
product for the bread of the country is Indian corn or maize, 
which is grown in all parts of the Republic, but a considerable 
portion of the tablelands is adapted to the cultivation of 
wheat. Agriculture there in my day was followed after the 
most primitive methods and with rudimentary implements. 
Some of the more enterprising hacendados (planters) were 
seeking to increase the acreage of wheat cultivation and to 
introduce American machinery and implements. I visited 
some of the haciendas, and made a report on the subject, 
which attracted considerable attention in the United States. 



COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 113 

It may be remarked in passing that the raih-oad system 
has been a real blessing from an agricultural standpoint. The 
great mesa, or tableland, is dependent for its supply of food 
products on the annual rainfall. Since the Spanish Conquest 
there have been repeated famines, in which tens of thousands 
of people have perished. At other times there were product- 
ive years of such superabundance that the food products 
could not be sold and the hacendados were nearly ruined. 
There are no navigable rivers in Mexico and the mountainous 
character of the country made transportation difficult and 
costly. Hence there was often abundance in one section and 
famine in another. The railroads have been a great rehef in 
these respects and have made famines impossible. 

Among my other studies, I was called upon by the Ameri- ' 
can Social Science Association for a report on the judiciary 
and bar of Mexico. Its judicial, hke its political, system is 
very similar to that of the United States. The members of 
the Supreme Court, however, are elected by popular vote, 
for a period of six years. The President of the Supreme Court 
was made by the Constitution ex-ofjicio Vice-President of the 
nation, but the experience of General Diaz with Senor Igle- 
sias in 1876, which I have related in my account of his revo- 
lution, led to a change in this respect. The subordinate Fed- 
eral judges are appointed by the President. There is, as in 
the United States, only one class of lawyers. The bar of the 
Capital are all educated men ; after their collegiate studies, 
they are required to pursue a six-years' course in the National 
School of Law before they enter upon the practice ; and a 
similar course is followed in the States. The Supreme Court ^ 
commands high respect throughout the country. With its 
members and with the bar of the Capital I had much social 
intercourse, and I found them relatively of as high character 
as the profession in the United States. 

I made a thorough study of the Mexican foreign debt, 
which seemed to be at that time in hopeless confusion, and 



114 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

I sent two lengthy reports to Washington on the subject, 
which were published. The chief indebtedness had been con- 
tracted in London as early as 1823, to which there had been 
added from time to time various kinds of indebtedness in 
France, Spain, and the United States. The history of these 
foreign debts was one of brief intervals of interest pa^nnents, 
brought about by spasmodic efforts to reestabhsh its lost 
credit or by the constraint of some foreign Power, and suc- 
ceeding these intervals long periods of suspended pajnnents 
and wrangles with the creditors, resulting in new arrangements 
and funding of accumulated interest, and these new arrange- 
ments soon followed by new suspensions of interest pay- 
ments. Most of these suspensions and failures are directly 
traceable to the disorders and bankruptcy of the Treasury 
occasioned by repeated revolutions, rather than to the de- 
liberate bad faith of the Government. It was the public 
indebtedness which afforded the pretext for the tripartite 
intervention of 1861 leading to the Maximilian Empire. 

^^^len Diaz assumed control of affairs, the financial situ- 
ation of the country could hardly have been more desperate. 
No interest on its public debt had been paid for many years. 
Its bonds had no value at home or abroad, and were not 
quoted in the money-market of a single city of the world. 
But the financial improvement which Diaz inaugurated soon 
began to create confidence among foreign capitaUsts, and the 
rapidly growing revenues finally enabled Senor Limantour, 
the able Secretary of Finance, to reestablish the Government 
credit. The foreign indebtedness of every character, whose 
legitimacy could be sho\\Ti, was funded, first into gold bonds 
at six per cent, afterwards at five per cent, and later at four 
per cent, until the credit of Mexico became equal to that of 
some of the first Powers of Europe and much above that 
of any other of the Latin-American Republics. 

My action on subjects of an unofficial character, which at- 
tracted most attention both in the United States and Mexico, 



COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 115 

was a letter which I addressed to the president of a manu- 
facturers' association of Chicago. It was before this body 
that Minister Zamacona dehvered the address to which I 
have referred, and which was understood to be an appeal to 
the American people from the policy then being pursued by 
our Government. I had been invited to give them any views 
I might have gained during my residence in Mexico respect- 
ing the development of commercial relations between the two 
countries. In the letter I discussed especially the impediments 
to such freer relations, which I found in the revolutionary 
character of the country, the want of protection to American 
citizens and capital, and the opposition manifested to railroad 
connection with the United States. 

My letter was sent to the Department of State, with re- 
quest that, if approved by the Secretary of State, it be for- 
warded to the association, which was done. It was pubHshed 
in full in the Chicago papers, was reproduced in the annual 
volume of diplomatic correspondence, and by resolution of 
Congress it was printed as a public document. It thus had 
a wide circulation in the United States and was commended 
or criticised according to the views entertained as to the 
Mexican poUcy of our Government. 

It reached Mexico at a time when the poHtical excitement 
against the United States was at its height, and the criticism 
of the press was almost universally unfavorable. So much 
importance was attached to it by the Government that Sehor 
Matias Romero was employed to write a refutation, sections 
of which appeared daily for several weeks in the "Official 
Journal," and it was printed in book-form, filling three hun- 
dred and fifty double-column full folio pages. It was an able 
document, abounding in valuable statistics, but lost much 
of its usefulness for the purpose of its compilation by its 
proHxity. Senor Romero's indefatigable industry and min- 
uteness in details is illustrated by a remark made to me by 
Senor Mariscal, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in one of 



116 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

my visits in later years to Mexico. The Government was 
having a Legation building erected in Washington, and he 
asked me how the building was progressing, remarking that 
he hoped it was near completion, as the volumes and tons of 
dispatches Sefior Romero was sending him respecting it were 
sufficient to construct the building with the paper used ! 

In spite of all our prognostications as to commercial mat- 
ters, based upon the past and then existing conditions, Presi- 
dent Diaz was able, through his successful administration of 
affairs, to accompUsh that which at that time seemed hope- 
less. He gave the country a long era of peace and order. He 
forced Congress to grant liberal concessions for railroads 
connecting with the United States. He established protection 
and security to Ufe and property. He restored pubHc con- 
fidence. He brought about a great development of the re- 
sources of the country. Under his regime, commerce, internal 
and foreign, flourished beyond the dream of the most hopeful. 

Various other duties and experiences in addition to those 
herein related are a part of a diplomat's Ufe. Marriages were 
occasionally celebrated in our Legation in Mexico. It adds 
nothing to the legality or binding force of the union to have 
the ceremony performed in a Legation. It is just as valid if 
it takes place in a residence or hotel, but in the minds of 
enchanted lovers it gives to the act an air of romance and 
patriotism. One of the most noted of these during my in- 
cumbency was the marriage of the son of Charles Kingsley, 
the well-known divine and author, who came to Mexico in 
quest of adventure and a fortune, and met his fate in the per- 
son of an attractive and accomplished young American woman 
temporarily residing in the Capital. The event brought to- 
gether around the Legation table a large company of the 
American and British colonies to witness the ceremony and 
drink to the health and blessing of the happy pair. 

The private claims and demands of American citizens for 
the services or aid of their country's representative is more 



COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 117 

or less frequent in all our embassies and legations abroad, 
but in few of them are the calls more numerous than in Mex- 
ico. I made it a rule to answer all letters and give attention 
to all such calls so far as I could do so consistently with my 
official duties. In order to give some idea of the pecuHar and 
strange nature which sometimes characterizes these calls I 
give a textual copy of a letter received by me, as follows : — 

Denver Colorado, Aug. 11th 78. 
John W. Foster 

U S Minister 
Dear Sir 
I have Some thing to tell you which May interest 
you Some as there is quite a Sum of Money in it or at least I 
think there is My reason for thinking so are this in 1849 
there was two Soldiers of our Army then in Old Mexico that 
got hold of about $65,000 in order to keep it they Burj^ed it 
the next morning after So their Regiment was ordered to 
Very Cruz there they took the Steamer for New Orleans on 
Board the Steamer one of the parties died the other was taken 
North to Indiana there mustered out and as he lived in that 
State he thought he would go home before he went Back 
after his money when he got home he found his wife Sick 
She lingered a long Some time and finally died leaving him 
with a little family on his hands with not Much to do with he 
could not leave very well then to go after this so he kept put- 
ting it off until finaly our last war Broke out he thin enlisted 
with the Calculation of getting South thin going for his pile 
but before he could well do as he expected he was taken sick 
and died I waited on him a good deal during his Sickness and 
just before he died he told Me all about this giving me the ex- 
act locaUty of the Money and telling me to go and get it as he 
Never would want it well when our war closed the troubles 
commenced then between the French and Mexicans So I 
thought I would wait for More Settled times I have kept 



118 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

putting it off for one reason and another until Now and Now 
I have not the Money to go with so I send you the Exact 
locaUty of where it is as he gave it to me trusting that if you 
get it you will be honerable enough to divide with Me 
hoping that I May hear from you Soon as convenient 
I am with Respect 

Yours &c 



p. s. the Money is in Gold mostly 



'nioo. I r^^ 



'3e, 







Do... \ '" 



N '--^^ \ 



:— j— w 



\X \ 






s 

this the Exact location as he gave it to me it will do no harm 
to see if it is as he said the Money will belong to who ever 
finds it as there is no one Now that knows who it Belonged to 
tefore it was Buried Now I trust to your honor to deal on 
the squaire with me 

Although this alleged buried treasure, if it existed, must 
have been the loot of American soldiers, I decided to ascer- 
tain if it could be located. To this end I sent the letter to a 
reputable American citizen Hving at Jalapa, which was evi- 
dently the locality intended to be described. In due time he 
reported to me that he had made an effort to find the place 
indicated in the letter, but that it was impossible to do so, 
as with the long lapse of time the ancient landmarks had all 
been changed. I so advised the writer of the letter. 



COMMERCE AND RAILROADS 119 

The American Consuls in Mexico were as a rule a creditable 
body of men, attentive to their duties and patriotic repre- 
sentatives of their country. During my seven years' resi- 
dence I only once had occasion to recommend to the Depart- 
ment a change. The chief consular post in those days was the 
port of Vera Cmz, and it was filled by Dr. S. T. Trowbridge, 
who had an honorable record of service in the Civil War and 
was an estimable gentleman. He had an interesting family 
of six children, one son and five daughters. They were all 
musically inclined, each one of them playing some instru- 
ment, and the Consulate was thus a merry meeting-place for 
Americans. 

Dr. Trowbridge, for the diversion of his children, purchased 
a private printing-press and its equipment of type, etc. 
They issued at odd times a paper called "Leisure Hours." 
He wrote a sketch of his life, which was all set up, printed, 
and bound in his house by his daughters, and made quite a 
respectable volume. He claimed that such work was a good 
education for his girls in a locality where there were no Eng- 
lish schools. 

The leading industry of Mexico has been for centuries and 
still continues to be silver-mining. From it the great fortunes 
of the country were accumulated. In my time it was even 
more than to-day the absorbing interest of the country. 
Almost everybody made investments or ventures in mines. 
My diplomatic colleagues without exception dabbled in these 
stocks, and mining was a favorite topic of conversation in our 
circle. I felt it my duty, however, to abstain absolutely from 
having any pecuniary interest in the business. There were a 
considerable number of Americans engaged in different parts 
of the country in mining, and they were frequently making 
complaints to me of their treatment by the officials and sub- 
mitting to me questions as to their property rights. I was in 
a much better position to aid them when it was known that 
I had no pecuniary interest whatever in the industry. It is a 



120 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

safe rule for a diplomatic representative to have no interests 
of any business character whatever in the country of his 
residence, and to avoid personal complications in the claims 
of his fellow countrymen. 

The wisdom of such a course for a diplomat had a striking 
illustration in those days in the case of General Schenck, the 
American Minister in London, who allowed the use of his 
name for the prospectus of the "Emma" mine, an American 
project, in which many Englishmen invested, partly on the 
strength of General Schenck's name. The mine proved a dis- 
graceful failure. Schenck was a man of incorruptible in- 
tegrity and no one charged him with complicity with the 
management, but his reputation suffered greatly for the in- 
discretion of allowing the use of his name in connection with 
the mine. 



CHAPTER XI 

A VISIT TO THE INTERIOR MEXICAN STATES 

During the last year of my residence in Mexico I made a 
long journey through the interior and some of the Pacific 
States. I had already visited all the States within easy reach 
of the Capital and even some of the more distant ones, in- 
cluding Michoacan, Guerrero, and Oaxaca, and had estab- 
lished quite a reputation as a traveler. But I desired to be- 
come better acquainted with the people and resources of the 
States seldom visited by tourists and little affected by inter- 
course with the outside world. 

In my day the only methods of reaching them were by the 
dihgence — the old-fashioned "Concord" stage-coach — and 
on horseback, and much of the journey by the latter mode. 
The inconveniences and discomforts of the way were pic- 
tured to me in the darkest colors, and few of my friends en- 
couraged me in the undertaking, but my experience in travel 
through the country satisfied me that the hardships were 
usually exaggerated. The Federal Government expressed 
gratification at my project and volunteered all needed pro- 
tection. And so, well supplied with letters of credit and 
introduction for the towns and cities en route, I began my 
journey on September 26. I planned my departure for this 
date, as the rainy season was just drawing to a close, the 
roads would be drying out, and vegetation would be fresh 
and exuberant. 

I can best describe my experiences by giving extracts from 
my letters to my wife, written on the way while these ex- 
periences were fresh in mind. From Queretaro at the end of 
the second day of the journey, I wrote : — 



122 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

After taking the diligence yesterday morning my first 
business was to make the acquaintance of my traveling com- 
panions. Fortunately they all proved to be respectable per- 
sons. First, there was a padre, belonging to the Profesa 
Church in Mexico, taking a trip into the interior ; a fat, jolly 
fellow, talkative, a good traveling companion, and we were 
soon quite good friends. Then there was a merchant of 
Guanajuato, returning from buying goods, a pleasant, in- 
teUigent Mexican, his grandmother an Englishwoman. 
Lastly an hacendado with his family of five persons, two of 
them ladies. He gave me much information about farming 
matters. Before we had gone far the ladies asked permission 
to light their cigarettes, and then all my companions were 
puffing away. Although I give my fellow passengers a cred- 
itable description, when I tell you that every one of them 
used the tablecloth at meals, although we had napkins, you 
may not think so highly of their refinement ! . . . 

The diligence has been well guarded all the way by rurales 
[mounted soldiers], and as we crossed the Une into the State 
of Queretaro, I was met by an officer with a message of wel- 
come from the Governor ; so you may be assured I shall be 
taken care of. For a considerable part of the time I have rid- 
den on the pescante [an outside seat above the driver], and 
enjoyed the delicious air and the beautiful scenery. As we 
entered this city just as the sun was setting over the valley, 
the view was charming. 

Every attention has been paid me during my one day's 
stay here. On my arrival a committee received me with a 
message from the Governor, inviting me to lodge at his house, 
from which I excused myself with the best grace possible. 
In the morning the Governor's coach was at the door for my 
visits, and in the afternoon he accompanied me to see the 
various public institutions, and after visiting a number of 
these, where do you suppose we brought up? At the plaza 
de toros, where a bull-fight was in full progress ; but I must 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 123 

claim credit for staying only to see one bull killed, and was 
glad to get away. 

At the end of the fourth day of travel, I wrote from Guana- 
juato : — 

I have been agreeably disappointed in the comforts I have 
found on the road. The meals have all been good, and I have 
had every night a clean and comfortable bed. Starting very 
early in the morning and traveling sometimes till 10 p.m., 
the diligence becomes a little wearisome, but changing from 
the inside to the pescante at will the monotony is broken. 
Much of the journey has been through the Bajio, one of the 
richest agricultural valleys in Mexico, and since the rain it 
has on its most beautiful dress. . . . 

On my arrival here I was greatly embarrassed by pressing 
invitations from the Governor and from three or four mer- 
chants and mining proprietors, to whom I had letters, to 
become their guest, but I preferred the hotel, where I would 
be free to see all kinds of people. My first " swell " dinner was 

at the house of . According to your direction, I wore my 

dress-suit, and was the only one of the company who did ! 
But as it was given in my honor, and, coming from the Capi- 
tal, I suppose it was not out of place. The seating was a little 
queer. The host took the head of the table, placed his wife 
on his right, me on his left, and the Governor next to his 
wife. Wlien I returned to the hotel I found a second note from 
Mrs. P., asking me to tea this evening at six. But as I knew 
what "a tea" means in this country, I answered that as I had 
to go to the Governor's to dine at one, I hoped she would give 
me only a cup of tea. Four dinners in two days I feared were 
too much for me. Among my visits I called on the American 
Protestant missionary here, who had come to see me at the 
Legation in Mexico. His wife, a very nice lady, is almost 
isolated socially. She tells me she has no female companions 
or visiting acquaintances. Tlie work goes on slowly. 



124 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

The visit to Guanajuato was of great interest, with its 
unique location in the narrow valley, and the study of the 
mines and the attentions of the Governor and other residents 
made my stay a busy and profitable one. At the large city 
of Leon similar attentions were extended. The next import- 
ant place at which I made a halt was Guadalajara. From 
the first letter from that city I make some extracts as to 
experiences by the way : — 

Passing Silao, the military commander, with a dozen 
medals of honor on his breast, and the jefe politico [the mayor] 
were on hand to pay me their respects and receive my orders. 
But as the diligence only stopped to change mules, I had no 
orders to give. . . . 

At Lagos the jefe politico had given the landlord notice to 
prepare me the best room in the house, and when I came to 
pay my bill the landlord declined to receive the money, say- 
ing it was to be settled by the jefe, but I insisted and made 
him take the money. I don't want the Mexican Government 
to pay my traveling expenses. . . . 

As I crossed the line into the State of Jalisco I began to see 
the effects of my friendship with Vallarta [Diaz' first Secre- 
tary of Foreign Affairs]. This is his pais [country], and he 
has evidently given notice of my coming, as the attentions 
on the way here have been almost overpowering. At the first 
town we passed I was given quite an ovation, being met at 
the outskirts by the officials with a band of music and es- 
corted into town with all the church-bells ringing, a great 
noise of fireworks, and the whole population out to see el 
estranjero [the foreigner]. Fortunately we had only to remain 
long enough for the relay of mules, and I was glad to get 
away from the din of the bells and fireworks, the gaze of the 
people, and the attentions of the officials, however well 
meant. At another town where I underwent a similar recep- 
tion, and while the relay was being made ready, one of my 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 125 

fellow passengers stepped into a shop for a refresco, and he 
was asked by the proprietor which of us was the Archbishop. 
He naturally thought all that bell-ringing of the churches 
could be for no other than the greatest personage of the hier- 
archy. Had he known what a heretic he was in whose honor 
all this noise was raised, doubtless his disgust would have 
been great ! . . . 

The night before my arrival in Guadalajara I received a 
telegram from Mr. Newton, the leading American citizen, 
stating that the American residents desired to meet me out- 
side the city, and that he had rooms prepared for me at his 
house ; and asking to be informed of the probable hour of my 
arrival. I answered that we would probably arrive late at 
night, not to wait for me, but for my countrymen to call on 
me the next morning. It proved one of the hardest days of 
all my journey. I was called at 3 a.m. and in one of the towns 
at 9 A.M. I had to undergo an official reception and a formal 
breakfast, with toasts and speeches, which delayed us. The 
road was bad and we made slow progress ; besides, the dili- 
gence had been robbed two weeks before and two passengers 
killed, which led the State and Federal authorities to cumber 
us with a heavy guard. Thus it was that we did not reach 
San Pedro, a town one league from Guadalajara, till after 
11 P.M., and what was my surprise to find the plaza illumin- 
ated, a long row of carriages waiting, and not only the entire 
American colony out, but also the Governor of the State, the 
general of the Federal forces, the President of the Supreme 
Court, municipal authorities, etc. 

Tired and dusty and sleepy as I was, I could not but feel 
(notwithstanding the compliment, which I highly appreci- 
ated) that they were a great set of fools to be engaged in that 
kind of business at that time of the night ; and I would much 
rather have gone quietly to the hotel, and met them all the 
next morning, after a bath, a change of clothes, and a break- 
fast. Nothing would do but I must change from the diligence 



126 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

to the open carriage and drive into the city with the Gover- 
nor, the General, and the President of the Court. The author- 
ities had prepared a house for me, to which the Governor 
proposed to take me at once, but I begged off in the best man- 
ner I could, on the ground that I had accepted Mr. Newton's 
hospitality, which he had arranged for me. Much as I ap- 
preciate all their attentions, I prefer not to be captured by 
the Mexican authorities. With all the delays, receptions, etc., 
it was two o'clock in the morning before I got to bed, twenty- 
three hours since I left it. But I am up this morning early, 
fresh as ever, and writing you of my doings. 

My four days in Guadalajara were very busy and inter- 
esting ones. It was, next to the City of Mexico, the most 
important one in the Republic, and the capital of the 
most powerful State. On the eve of my departure from it, 
I wrote : — 

Much of my time here has been taken up in visiting the 
public institutions, which are more numerous and creditable 
than in any other place on my journey. I have just 
returned from a round of such inspection accompanied by 
the Governor. One of the most important of these is the 
Alcalde Asylum, named after the bishop who founded it at 
the beginning of this century. It embraces an orphanage, a 
hospital, a school for poor boys and girls, old women's home, 
etc., is very extensive, has twenty-two patios or courts, and 
is the best maintained institution I have seen in Mexico. 
This bishop has done an immense good in this State, and his 
work is a shining evidence that the Catholic clergy were not 
all greedy of power and riches. . . . 

I may have mentioned in my letters from Leon that it has 
struck me as rather strange that in each of these two import- 
ant cities of the interior, as well as in Guanajuato, the city 
government was engaged in building a magnificent theatre, 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 127 

spending hundreds of thousands of dollars, while not one of 
them, so far as I saw, had a decent public common-school 
building. I did not think it courteous to tell them, though 
desiring to do so, that in our country the best public build- 
ings were the school-houses, and that we left the erection of 
theatres to private enterprise and companies. . . . 

To-day was the official dinner given me by the Governor, 
and it proved the most elegant entertainment yet tendered. 
The Governor called for me in his carriage and drove me to 
the house which had been fitted up for my entertainment 
and which I declined. It is quite a palatial establishment and 
here the dinner was given. ... As usual there were many 
toasts and speeches complimentary of our country and its 
representative. I got off the same speech which I delivered 
at Guanajuato, with slight modifications to suit the locality. 
It is the one, you remember, which I prepared before leaving 
Mexico and had put into pure Castilian. By the time I reach 
Mazatlan I think I shall be able to recite it quite glibly ! It 
greatly pleases the Mexicans to hear me praise them in their 
own tongue. My speech reminds me of the joke told on Nel- 
son [my predecessor]. He prepared a pretty good campaign 
speech, which he delivered everywhere in Indiana without 
any variation. In Washington after the campaign, when 
pressing for an office, he was boasting that he had delivered 
135 speeches in Indiana during the campaign. One of his 
friends, interrupting, said, "No, Tom, you mean you de- 
livered one speech 135 times!" . . . 

I have never been better received than here by everybody 
and leave with the most agreeable impressions. The Ameri- 
can colony is small, but quite respectable, and they have been 
very attentive to me. They have been so much pleased with 
my visit that it has been worth the journey to gratify them. 
I made it a point to call upon all the American ladies, in- 
cluding the wives of the missionaries of the American Board, 
— very intelligent persons. I fear they have a lonesome time. 



128 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

with very little sympathy on the part of the other American 
residents. 

Colima, October 16. I am safely here after a three and a 
half days' journey from Guadalajara, much of it on horse- 
back, as we had a good deal of mountain climbing and four 
barrancas to cross. The incidents of the way were much the 
same as that before reaching Guadalajara — breakfasts or 
dinners at every large town, with ringing of bells and fire- 
works, and kind treatment everyiv^here. . . . Our views of 
the volcano of Colima were very attractive. It was not in 
active eruption as it is sometimes, but from time to time there 
was a sudden rushing-up of a dense volume of smoke lasting 
only for a few minutes in force, and followed by a small 
stream, Uke that issuing from a chimney, till it ceased alto- 
gether, but the black cloud would hang over the mountain 
for an hour or more. . . . 

On arrival here I find I have to limit my stay to one day, 
as otherwise I run the risk of missing the mail steamer up the 
coast. The Governor seemed much distressed at the unex- 
pected shortness of my stay, as he had hoped to tender me 
a banquet, and in lieu of it invited me to take a cup of tea in 
the gubernatorial palace, which turned out to be quite a 
grand supper for thirty of the leading officials and citizens, 
with the usual toasts and speech-making. 

Manzanillo, October 18. Here I am at last on the Pacific 
Ocean, after three weeks of absence from the Legation and 
family. 

The journey yesterday was partly by land and partly by 
water. The first, eighteen leagues, was made in a light spring- 
wagon, with Mr. Morrill, the Consul, as a companion. At the 
lake or lagoon, I was met by Mr. Dickman, the Vice-Consul, 
with a boat flying a small American flag, a pleasant sight 
after my long land travel. 

At 5.30 P.M. we started on the lake. The sun was just 
dropping behind the hills which separate the lake from the 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 129 

ocean, a fine breeze was blowing, and the smooth, swift mo- 
tion of the boat was very dehghtful after the rough jolting m 
the diUgence and my horseback ride across the barrancas. 
The distance was thirty-five miles, and with four oarsmen we 
made the run in a little less than five hours. It was sur- 
prising to see the rowers keep up their work for five hours, 
making seven miles an hour, without a moment's interrup- 
tion, except two or three times to take a dram of tequila or 
light a cigar, a matter of less than a minute. 

After we had got well out in the lake, Mr. Dickman pro- 
duced a basket of lunch, — ham, cheese, beer, crackers and 
apples, — all from California, and I partook of them with a 
relish. \Vlien I grew tired of the enchanting tropical scenery, 
subdued by the shades of night faintly illuminated by clear 
starlight and the new moon, a bed was arranged for me in 
the stern of the boat, where I slept for three hours within 
three inches of the water, gently rocked by the motion of the 
oars. On arrival I found comfortable quarters awaiting me 
in the house of Mr. Dickman, one of the few good ones here, 
my room facing the bay, with a gentle breeze sweeping 
through it to temper the heat, which has been somewhat 
oppressive after my journeying on the tableland and in the 
mountains. ... 

I was much pleased with Mr. and Mrs. Morrill. Mr. M. 
I highly respect, especially for his consistent Christian life in 
this land where all the influences tend to neglect of duty or 
to the Catholic Church. He was raised by Free-Will Baptist 
parents till he left home at fifteen, but never was a church 
member. He has read prayers, however, in his family every 
Smiday morning since he has been in Mexico, — nineteen 
years, — and, as he says, has tried to live a Christian life. 
He is now beginning to see its results. As there was no Pro- 
testant minister in this part of the country, his children were 
baptized by the Catholic priests. Since they have grown up 
he has sent them to California to school, and one by one they 



130 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

have of their own accord joined Protestant churches there. 
He spoke very feehngly of their profession of faith. It is 
about the only bright spot rehgiously I have seen among the 
American or foreign famihes of the Protestant faith since 
I left the Capital. They are usually cases of indifference or 
of joining the Cathohc Church, to marry their wives or for 
business considerations. 

Mazatlan, October 24. I came up here on the Pacific mail 
steamer, and was so heartily received and entertained by all 
the officers of the ship and passengers, with its American 
comforts and ways, I felt as if I was back in my own country 
again. I was met here as the ship anchored by our Consul 
and by Mr. Kelly, who (you remember) visited us in Mexico. 
His firm is one of the oldest Engfish establishments here, 
and he insisted on taking me at once to his house, where I am 
very comfortably, even luxuriously, cared for. I expect to 
take a trip of three days with him in the morning to the 
Rosario mining district. 

October 27. On our return this morning from the mines, 
I found the whole town in a great state of excitement. Night 
before last a small band of pronunciados [revolutionists] 
made an assault on this city and nearly succeeded in captur- 
ing it. A General Ramirez, who had been one of the leading 
Diaz chiefs, had become dissatisfied and had gathered the 
force which attacked this town. Had he been successful it 
would have given him the most important seaport on the 
Pacific, with one gunboat and two steam tugs, and a full- 
blown revolution would have been in progress. 

Knowing I had planned to continue my travels in the 
morning, the general in command of the Federal forces called 
on me to say he did not think it pmdent for me to start for 
Durango, as he had advices that a strong band of proniincia- 
dos were encamped eight or ten leagues from the city near the 
road I had to pass ; that the small force of cavalry he had in 
the city was not a sufficient escort for me ; that he had or- 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 131 

dered all the cavalry in the district to concentrate here ; and 
that in four or five days he would have a sufficient force to 
take me through in safety. 

I, however, expressed a wilUngness to go alone without 
an escort, against which he strongly protested; but I told 
him I would free him and the Mexican Government from all 
responsibihty, and take the risk upon myself. I did not want 
to lose the time, and, besides, if there was to be any fighting 
I preferred not to be about when it was going on. So I am 
preparing to leave in the morning for my long trip of seven or 
eight days across the great Sierra Madre Range to Durango. 

La Ciudad, Novmiher 1. We have at last reached the top 
of the Sierra Madre, nine thousand feet above the sea, and 
are taking a day's rest. I was fortunate in finding at Mazatlan 
a pleasant traveling companion in Captain L,, a Norwegian 
who has been commanding one of the Mexican gunboats and 
is under orders to report himself at the Capital. He speaks 
English and Spanish, and has reHeved me of much of the 
trouble about lodgings, meals, etc. In leaving Mazatlan we 
came fourteen leagues in a coimtry hack, and then took to 
our mules. Each of us had a riding-mule, a pack-mule, and 
two mounted servants. We had been told we should find no 
provisions on the road and we took along quite a supply. For 
lodgings at night we found only a kind of cot, which is a 
frame set on four legs or posts, covered with strips of raw- 
hide, with no covering or pillows ; and we slept outdoors or 
under a thatched-roof shed, but as the climate was warm we 
did not suffer, our shawls answering for cover and our over- 
coats for pillows. We found nothing on the road in the way 
of food but frijoles and tortillas, sometimes not even those, 
and only once did we succeed in getting a chicken ; but with 
the tea, coffee, and provisions we brought with us we fared 
very well. 

The route is the roughest and most difficult I have ever 
traveled over, almost constantly up and down mountains of 



132 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the steepest grade, and the Mazatlan River to ford about a 
dozen times, with a deep, swift current, and always in fear of 
getting a ducking. One day we were caught in a heavy rain- 
storm (the first I have had since I left Mexico), which so 
swelled the river we had to wait till the next morning to 
cross. The road is no road at all, merely a path wide enough 
for one mule, and at times altogether lost. Often the path 
was so narrow and the declivity so precipitous that I would 
gladly have dismounted, but the guides say that a mule is 
much surer-footed than a man in such places. 

The scenery is magnificent beyond description. I think 
in this respect I have enjoyed the trip more than any other 
I have made. The Sierra Madre here is composed of a series 
of mountain ranges, up and down which we have to go, each 
succeeding one higher than the other, till we reach the sum- 
mit, every succeeding mountain-top revealing a higher and 
different view. Such mountain ranges and broken valleys I 
have never seen before. 

Mr. A., at whose ranch we are stopping, is a Virginian 
who went to California many years ago, and came to this out- 
of-the-way place in 1862, where he has lived ever since, with 
varying fortune. He is now engaged in mining and owns a 
farm just on the top of the mountains where we reach the 
tablelands. Having heard of my coming, he came down the 
mountain-side a half-day's journey to meet and accompany 
me to his house, where he has given me a hearty welcome. 
Last night after our arrival he gave us, among other good 
things, corned-beef, American corn-bread, plenty of fresh 
milk, and the best of butter — real delicacies after our moun- 
tain experience. It is quite cold here at night, being so much 
higher and further north than Mexico City. Sitting about a 
wide-open fireplace, with large blazing pine logs last night, 
took me back to old times in Indiana. 

My travel through the country is giving me more insight 
than I have ever had before into the wretched state of society 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 133 

and morals in these secluded parts of the country. With the 
lower classes it is a common occurrence for the parents of a 
pretty girl to sell her to some rich man, and after he tires of 
her she may be taken up by a man of a lower class, or lead 
a worse life. It is not unusual for army officers, especially 
in revolutionary times, in their marches through the country 
to carry off with them by force any attractive girl or woman 
of the lower classes to whom they may chance to take a 
fancy. The state of morals among them and regard for 
matrimonial relations are most wretched ; and with even the 
upper classes it is bad enough. The people of the ranch had 
a fandango, or ball, last night, and we were invited over to 
it. For the first time I saw the jarabe danced — a not very 
seemly affair. 

The journey was resumed the next morning, and the day 
before we reached Durango we were met by an officer repre- 
senting the Governor with a cavalry escort, the trip across 
the mountains from Mazatlan being the only time I have 
been without a military guard. At Durango I had much the 
same experience as at the other State Capitals visited ; cordial 
hospitaUty from the authorities and citizens; examination 
of the public institutions ; a formal banquet by the Governor ; 
and meeting some old friends and making many pleasant 
new acquaintances. Of my departure for Zacatecas, and the 
scenes en route, I wrote : — 

I was to leave Durango in the diligence at 2 o'clock a.m. 
and my host, Mr. M., arranged a pleasant whist-party to 
pass the time, with an elegant supper after midnight. It was 
a long and tiresome ride of thirty-eight leagues to a prettily 
situated town with the Indian name of Chalchihuites. I 
was met a league outside of the town by the authorities and 
a great concourse of citizens in carriages and on horseback, 
taken from the diligence, and escorted into town by the 



134 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

whole company headed by a military band, after having re- 
ceived an artillery salute. I was lodged at the principal pri- 
vate house in the town, where a formal dinner followed, with 
the customary toasts and speeches. During the progress of 
the dinner I learned that it had been arranged to give a ball 
in my honor after the dinner. As I had not slept any the 
night before, had made such an unusually long journey that 
day, and had to start the next morning at five, this extreme 
of hospitality was beyond my endurance, so I escaped the 
ball by showing myself in the room after dinner, and then 
retiring. 

I found here two very agreeable and intelligent American 
famiUes, who manifested great pleasure in seeing me. One 
of them has resided here since the war of 1848. It has been 
one of the most pleasing incidents of my tour through the 
country that it has apparently afforded so much gratification 
to the American residents. No ]\Iinister has ever before 
visited their locahties, and besides forming my personal 
acquaintance, it has been a source of pride to them to see 
their country so heartily recognized by the Mexican au- 
thorities. . . . 

The State of Zacatecas has outdone all the others thus 
far in the attentions and demonstrations in my behalf. I 
suppose the Governor has heard of my reception in the other 
towns and cities, and his State pride is awakened. Certainly 
my reception all along the route was most cordial. At one of 
the towns, after the usual reception and dinner, the jefe 
politico suggested that as a matter of health, before going to 
bed, it might be well to take a turn in the plaza, when much 
to my surprise I found it brilUantly illuminated, including 
the church walls and tower and all the buildings around the 
square. The band was discoursing music, and the whole 
population was out to see Su Excelencia el Senor Ministro 
Americano. The dihgence left at 3 a.m. the next day, as it 
was a long journey, so I was up at 2.30 a.m. when I found 



VISIT TO THE INTERIOR OF MEXICO 135 

the prominent citizens were on hand to take chocolate with 
me and say good-bye. The plaza was still illuminated. 
Whether they had kept it going all night, or it was reUghted 
for my departure, I did not learn ! 

It would become tedious if I continued the extracts from 
my letters, giWng details of the remainder of my tour. Four 
days were spent in Zacatecas, with abomiding hospitaUty 
and honors and in examining that great mining-centre. 
Thence I passed on to San Luis Potosi, where equal atten- 
tions were shown me. In this city I accepted the hospitality 
of the house tliat had been prepared by the authorities for 
my lodgment, making it an exception to my action in other 
State Capitals for reasons not necessary to explain. From 
there I turned again northward to Saltillo, the Capital of 
Coahuila; thence to Monterey, the seat of the government 
of Nuevo Leon ; and at last reached Matamoros, on the Texas 
frontier, near the mouth of the Rio Grande del Bravo. In all 
these cities and at the towns en route the same unvar}'ing 
hospitaUty and cordial expression of feeling for our coimtry 
were extended to me. 

At Matamoros I met General Ord, an old acquaintance of 
the Civil War, commander of the Department of Texas, the 
man who had been the cause of so much indignation on the 
part of the Mexicans in the past two years because of the 
occasional crossing of his troops into Mexico in pursuit of 
raiders or outlaws. The feeling of hostility apparently had 
died away, as he attended the festivities given in my honor 
by the Mexican authorities and was warmly welcomed. The 
General was then on a visit to the garrison of Fort Brown, 
and the citizens of Brownsville, Texas, gave a dinner in our 
joint honor, followed by a ball at Fort Brown. 

As there were then no regular passenger steamers touching 
at the mouth of the Rio Grande for Vera Cruz, the Mexican 
Government did me the honor to send one of its gunboats to 



136 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

bring me from Matamoros to that port, I thus completed my 
tour of about three thousand miles, occupying nearly three 
months, without any serious delay or unpleasant experience. 
Soon after reaching the Capital, President Diaz invited me to 
a dinner in the National Palace, at which there were present 
the Diplomatic Corps, the Cabinet, and other high officials, 
and I had the opportunity, in response to the toast of the 
President, to make pubhc acknowledgment of the courtesies 
received from the various authorities and citizens. 

My excursion was such an unusual one that I gained quite 
a reputation as a traveler, and my return was the occasion 
of many notices in the press. The following is an extract 
from one of the leading papers : — 

''The tour of Mmister Foster through the Repubhc of 
Mexico possesses an interest in several respects. No other 
foreign diplomat ever made a similar tour, and veiy few tour- 
ists, if any, have ever traveled over such an extent of terri- 
tory, visited so many cities and towns, and none have been in 
such intimate communication with the people or had such 
intimate intercourse with all classes of Mexican society. 
With pre\H[ous excursions, this grand tour makes Mr. Foster 
one of the best informed persons in Mexican affairs, having 
visited nearly every State in the Republic. 

" His reception in every locality which he visited shows 
the high respect in which he is held throughout the country 
and the desire to cultivate friendly relations with the United 
States. It was very gratifying to the Mexicans to have him 
respond to the various addresses and in his social intercourse 
with the people, in their own language." 



CHAPTER XII 

FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 

A FEW weeks after my return to the Capital from the excur- 
sion into the interior Mexican States, intimations reached the 
city by telegraph that I was to be transferred to the Russian 
Mission, and on January 19, 1880, President Hayes nomi- 
nated me to that post. My name was sent to the Senate at 
the same time that James Russell Lowell was nominated 
for transfer from Madrid to London, and other important 
diplomatic changes were made. The appointment came to 
me as a surprise, as I had made no application for it, and did 
not know that my promotion to a higher post was contem- 
plated by the Secretary of State or the President. 

General U. S. Grant, who had made his tour of the world, 
was then about to visit Mexico as the guest of the Mexican 
Government, and I felt that it was my duty to remain at my 
post at least until his arrival in the country, and see that he 
was properly introduced to the authorities. Accordingly I 
suggested to the Department of State that it would be well 
for me to delay my departure, and I promptly received its 
approval of my suggestion, with permission to remain as 
long as I should think best. 

General Grant was recognized in Mexico as one of its best 
friends. During the French intervention his sympathies were 
strongly enUsted on the side of Juarez and the repubhcans, 
and at the close of our Civil War he was greatly disappointed 
that he was not permitted to march an army into Mexico, 
and, in conjimction with that of Juarez, dethrone Maximilian 
and expel the French soldiers. It was better for us as well as 
the Mexicans that the more peaceful but equally effective 



138 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

method of Secretary Seward's diplomacy should accomplish 
this result, but the Mexicans knew of General Grant's 
sympathies and wishes and felt grateful for them. Also as 
President he had always treated Mexican questions with 
justice, even with partiaUty. 

The Diaz Government had kept informed of the marked 
honors wliich had been bestowed upon the General during 
his tour of the world, and it resolved that his reception in 
Mexico should not fall below the most distinguished of them. 
I met him at Vera Cruz and accompanied him to the Capital, 
being of such service as I could in the various receptions 
tendered him on the way. In his party were Mrs. Grant, 
General and Mrs. Phil. Sheridan, Colonel and Mrs. Frederick 
Grant, a secretary, and one or two other friends. The Govern- 
ment had taken one of the most commodious and stately of 
the public buildings and furnished it in appropriate and 
costly style, and this edifice with all necessary equipment 
was made their home during their stay of several weeks in 
the Capital. 

Every attention which it was possible for them to receive 
w^as showered upon the General and his party by the Govern- 
ment and society. Among the most notable of these was the 
dinner in his honor tendered by the American residents of 
the Capital. General Grant's speech on the occasion was so 
characteristic for its simpUcity and brevity that I give it in 
full. He spoke as follows : — 

" Citizens of the United States and neighbors of Mexico : I 
am very glad to meet you here and see the good feeling that 
exists between men of the two greatest republics on this con- 
tinent. I hope it may be emblematical of the perpetual peace 
that may exist between us. I trust that we may be a benefit 
to each other as we may well be. 

" I think I speak the sentiments of the great mass of my 
o-^Ti people when I say that we only vrish prosperity to this 
country and that Mexico may improve, as she is capable of 



FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 139 

doing, and grow great ; that she may become our rival and 
move along, side by side with us. We have no jealousy, but 
are willing to be taught as well as to teach," 

I remained at my post until General Grant had completed 
his visit in the country, and we returned together in the same 
steamer to the United States. 

My farewell to Mexico was of the most cordial and feeling 
character. My family and I were the recipients of many 
demonstrations of esteem and friendship from all classes of 
society, both official and private. Farewell dinners were 
extended to us by the President of the RepubHc, members of 
the Cabinet, and the Diplomatic Corps, and by our friends 
of Mexican and foreign circles. 

Not the least gratifying of these was the demonstration 
of my feUow coimtrymen timed to occur on my forty-fourth 
birthday, and in which was combined a farewell reception, 
ball, and supper, attended by the entire American colony, 
prominent officials, and many Mexican and foreign families. 
Among the company were General Grant and his party, 
the General in an extemporaneous address referring in very 
kindly terms to our army acquaintance and to his selection, 
when President, of me for the Mexican Mission. Among the 
formal exercises of the occasion were the presentation by the 
American colony of mementoes of their esteem to Mrs. Foster 
and myself and a beautifully engrossed and illuminated ad- 
dress signed by the male members of the colony. My readers 
will excuse the seeming egotism with which I reproduce the 
address and my reply to it. The following was the address : — 

The undersigned American citizens resident in the City of 
Mexico, in view of the approaching departure of the Honor- 
able John W. Foster from a post which for seven years he has 
filled with honor to his country, credit to himself, and bene- 
ficently for the interests of his countrymen, beg leave to offer 
this testimonial as a spontaneous expression of the veiy high 



140 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

appreciation which his social quaHties and efficient public 
services have secured for him from all who have enjoyed the 
privilege of his personal friendship or who have had just 
occasion to claim his official aid, counsel, or protection. 
While most heartily approving the well-merited recognition 
which the Government of the United States has accorded to 
his fidelity and abifity in promoting him to a higher diplo- 
matic position, their congratulations are mingled with re- 
grets, deepened by a sense of personal loss, in parting with a 
gentleman whose house has been so long the centre of social 
hospitaUty, and with a national representative whose name 
has always been a synonym of personal honor and irre- 
proachable official integrity. 
City of Mexico, March 2, 1880. 

My reply to the address was, in part, as follows : — 

I cannot trust myself to attempt to respond in fitting 
words to this demonstration and to the highly compfimentary 
testimonial regarding my pubUc service and social and private 
relations, to which the Americans in Mexico have sub- 
scribed their names, I can only assure you that it is one of the 
most precious experiences of my life, and that it will ever 
remain fresh and glowing in my memory. It has been my 
practice to accept no present of any value for any service, 
while holding an office of influence and importance, but as 
I have to-day presented to the President of this Republic 
my letter of recall, and have ceased to hold a position where 
I could render any recompense for favors received but that 
of simple gratitude and sincere thanks, I cheerfully receive for 
my wife and myself these elegant and highly appropriate 
memorials as mementoes of the approbation of my public 
service and of my personal conduct by my resident country- 
men, who have known the manner of my life and have been 
the daily witnesses of my acts. As such it will be our pride to 



FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 141 

I] and them down to our children as heirlooms, reminding 
them that friendship is real and that public duties conscien- 
tiously discharged receive proper recognition. 

I will not say the sad word "farewell" to-night, as I hope 
to see you all in your own homes before my departure. But 
I beg to express for myself and my wife, for whom I am sure 
the greatest share of this demonstration is intended, — for 
she has better earned it than I, — our heartfelt thanks for the 
multitude of acts of kindness and sympathy which we have 
received in these happy years we have spent amongst you, 
and to assure you that neither the gayeties of the Court to 
which we are sent shall cause us to forget you, nor the snows 
of a Russian winter chill in the slightest degree the warmth 
of our affection for our friends in sunny Mexico. 

Following the American farewell reception, we were in- 
vited a few days later to meet the English residents in the 
British Library, and Mrs. Foster and I were presented with 
souvenirs of their esteem, accompanied by addresses appro- 
priate to the occasion. While I had unofficially represented 
a number of foreign governments which did not have diplo- 
matic relations with Mexico, my chief service was in behalf 
of British interests, which were quite large in the country. 
There was only a small EngHsh colony in the Capital, but 
they were cultivated and agreeable people, and they added 
greatly to the social gatherings at the Legation, where they 
were treated as our countrymen. 

I cannot say that my transfer from Mexico was displeasing 
to me, for the promotion to a higher post was intended as 
a recognition by my Government of its satisfaction with my 
official conduct, and it afforded me a gratif}dng opportunity 
to have some experience in European diplomatic life. But I 
left Mexico with many regrets and with a feeling of sadness 
at the separation from so many dear friends to whom we had 
become greatly attached, and from a Government which had 



142 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

been uniformly courteous and considerate of my personal 
relations. My residence in Mexico of seven years, longer than 
that of any of my predecessors and much longer than the 
usual stay of American diplomats in any one post, had en- 
abled me to become intimately acquainted with its people 
and customs, to participate in their hospitaUty, to appreciate 
their many estimable qualities, and to form attachments 
which have lasted through the many intervening years. 

My relations with the Government had not always been 
pleasant. The claims of Americans for alleged outrages and 
unjust treatment were numerous, and I had to press them 
upon an unwilhng Administration. At times there was a 
strong tension of our friendly intercourse, and open hostil- 
ities seemed to be the only outcome ; but I never lost the 
personal esteem of the Mexican authorities, and when I left 
the country I was possessed of the hearty friendship of the 
President and his official associates. 

The construction of the railroads has enabled Mrs. Foster 
and myself in later years to make several visits to Mexico 
and to renew the pleasant relations of the olden times, whose 
memory has remained ever fresh, notwithstanding our resi- 
dence and experience in many other parts of the globe. No 
one more than we has rejoiced in the peace and abounding 
prosperity which have come to this fair land, of whose awak- 
ening period of new hfe we were witnesses and humble par- 
ticipants. 

My transfer from Mexico to Russia was notable for myself 
and family, as it was our first visit to Europe. Coming from 
Mexico on the same steamer with the Grants, we made a 
brief visit to our home in Indiana and to Washington and 
sailed from New York for Liverpool. We made a short stay 
in London, which was busily spent in sight-seeing and social 
entertainments. We had many friends in the metropolis 
whose acquaintance w^e had formed while they were visitors 
in Mexico, and they made proffers of hospitality, only a few 



FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 143 

of which we could accept on account of the shortness of our 
visit. I was presented to the Prince of Wales (now Edward 
VII) at a royal levee in St. James's Palace, held for the 
Queen ; and had a pleasant interview with the Secretary for 
Foreign Affairs, Earl Granville, who took occasion to repeat 
the thanks, which had been tendered me in writing before 
leaving Mexico, for my representation of British interests 
before the Government of that country. Lord Granville also 
invited me to dinner, and I had an opportunity to see some- 
thing of his genial manners, his delightful humor, and his 
sparkling wit. Among our other social experiences was 
attendance at a brilliant reception given by the Lord High 
Chancellor and Lady Selbourne. 

Mr. Lowell, our Minister, recently transferred from Mad- 
rid, was absent on account of the fatal illness of his wife, but 
in later visits to London I met him frequently and formed a 
friendship with him which lasted to the end of his Hfe. One of 
the best known Americans whom I met here was Moncure 
D. Conway. A clergyman by profession, his had been a varied 
and erratic religious experience ; of liberal and humane views, 
a strong intellectual character, there was no American of his 
day who had more friendly intercourse with cultured British 
society, and through his hospitable attentions on this and 
subsequent visits I was enabled to meet many of this class 
of people. 

My most interesting personal experience in London was 
a visit which I paid to the British statesman and philanthro- 
pist, John Bright. The call was arranged through his nephew, 
■who was a member of Parliament, and I thus was afforded 
opportunity for a full conversation, which was mainly oc- 
cupied with reminiscences of our Civil War and his comments 
on the great prosperity and development of the United States. 
I had much pleasure in expressing to him the immense debt 
of gratitude which our people felt for his untiring and valu- 
able service in our behalf in the greatest crisis of our history. 



144 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

and how desirous they were that he should make a visit to 
our country in order that they might be afforded an oppor- 
tunity to demonstrate that gratitude. He feeUngly and 
sadly said he never could undertake the journey, as he was 
a poor sailor and he was reminded by his physical condition 
of the growing infirmity of years. He was, of all Enghshmen, 
the most devoted and consistent friend of the Union cause in 
our great struggle. Gladstone, for instance, a warm admirer 
of our institutions, failed us in the supreme hour of our need 
and announced the Union as lost. But Bright never faltered 
or lost faith. He was a thorough behever in democracy and 
the dignity of labor, and through the darkest period of the 
v/ar his eloquent voice in Parliament and before the people 
was full of hope and encouragement. 

I did not meet Mr. Gladstone socially, but I had the 
pleasure of hearing him speak in the House of Commons in 
defense of the Government's conduct on the occupation of 
Egypt. As an oratorical effort it was a disappointment, but 
there was little occasion for oratory, and the statement might 
have been made as well by a mediocre Cabinet Minister. 

From London we crossed to Paris, that metropolis of 
taste and pleasure, where my stay was brief, as I was desir- 
ous of reaching St. Petersburg to present my credentials 
before the Emperor left the Capital on his summer vacation. 
The most agreeable incident of my visit to Paris was meeting 
again my college classmate and intimate friend, Robert R. 
Hitt, then Secretary of Legation, but soon afterwards called 
to Washington as Assistant Secretary of State, and for 
twenty-five years consecutively a member of Congress, the 
greater part of that time being Chairman of the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs. In this latter post he exercised an im- 
portant influence in our international relations, and was one 
of the most influential members of Congress. His success and 
usefulness are evidenced by the unfaltering support through 
nearly a generation given him by his constituents. Besides 




VUrUJ- 



FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 145 

his own native talents, he had exceptional training for po- 
litical hfe, first associated with Abraham Lincoln and after- 
wards as private secretary to Oliver P. Morton, the two most 
sagacious statesmen of their day. He was a brilliant con- 
versationalist and a ready writer. Of many of his letters, I 
give one written to me in Mexico soon after his appointment 
to Paris, and his marriage in middle hfe, as follows : — 

The sight of your well-kno-^ii handwriting, coming from 
so far, was very pleasant when your kind note came the other 
day. Thank you for your good wishes. I earnestly hope that 
your suggested visit to Europe wiU be carried out while we 
are here, and that we shall have the opportunity to aid in 
making Paris agreeable to you and Mrs. Foster. 

Ever since you went away I have heard from you from 
time to time, sometimes at long intervals, through the In- 
diana friends, especially Senator Morton. It has been pleas- 
ant to me to always hear good things of you. 

I wish you had extended your letter a little more and told 
me how you like your present residence? WTiat kind of a 
Hfe the Minister has in Mexico? How you live, whether in a 
house by yourselves or in the gregarious fashion of the Latin 
race — a population in a building. Wliether there is much 
ceremonial duty connected with your office? Do you have 
to entertain much ? How far do you overrun your salary ? Is 
the Legation constantly pestered "VNith applications from our 
people abroad who have got into trouble? Do you find your 
colleagues in the Diplomatic Corps an agreeable body? \Miat 
kind of a place of residence is it, and forty-nine things I 
would fike to hear from you — things that are now very 
much more interesting in the fight of my otmi experience 
than they would have been before I came away from our own 
people and the plain and weU-trodden round of affairs there 
as you and I know it. You have long before this become 
perfect or at least easy in your Spanish. 



146 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

This city is one that has all that man has invented to 
make time pass pleasantly if one will only pay for it. My 
office is hght in labors and has a long train of what are 
ahnost forms, — what are deemed social privileges, dignities, 
and duties which may be made a pleasure or a weariness. 
Sometimes the Uttle courtesies comiected ^vdth it are delight- 
ful — for instance Madame MacMahon sent the Legation 
tickets for the (Imperial?) opera-box the other evening — a 
pretty thing for the ladies. After I shall have become more 
familiar with the place, its duties and surroundings, and 
with the French world, I hope to have more leisure to be 
able to enjoy a thousand things in literature and art that are 
within reach here. 

We are Uving very pleasantly — housekeeping, a thing I 
have always looked forward to with vague dread, but it 
proves not only easy, it is absolutely pleasant, so perfect 
is the training of domestics here. The cooking is, as all the 
world knows, the first of the glories of France. I believe, too, 
that my entry upon domestic life has been made easy by the 
fact that I had the inestimable good fortune to choose a 
wife as perfect as — you think yours — can I say more ? ^ly 
respects and best wishes to Mrs. Foster. 

From Paris I went direct to St. Petersburg, presented my 

credentials to the Emperor, and, as the summer vacation 

had begun and the official world were leaving the Capital, 

I took advantage of a sixty days' leave of absence granted 

i by the Department of State. Accompanied by my family, 

I I visited the countries of western and central Europe, and 

i returned to St. Petersburg by way of Warsaw and Moscow. 

I During this excursion I visited the capitals and leading 

I cities of the countries indicated, met the ministers of foreign 

i affairs, diplomats, and public men, and had an opportunity 

1 of discussing with them political, commercial, and other 

topics. \Miat most interested and gratified me was the ex- 



FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 147 

pression on every hand of wonder and praise of the peaceful 
and prosperous condition of the United States and the 
heahhy state of our pohtical and financial affairs. 

The subject which chiefly attracted attention was our 
national finances. \Miile the governments of Europe, almost 
\\'ithout exception, were increasing annually their expenses, 
it w^as to them most noteworthy that we continued year by 
year redeeming and reducing the debt at a rate unprecedented 
in history, and were proposing to refund our loans at three per 
cent, thus placing our credit on a level with that of the most 
stable and wealthy nations of the Old World. The triumph- 
ant results of our Ci\dl War did not so strongly and favorably 
impress them with the permanency of our institutions as 
those financial achievements. As indicating the character of 
the pubUc discussion, I quote from a lengthy editorial of the 
period in the St. Petersburg "Journal," the Government 
organ, in reviewing the President's annual message: "The 
most wonderful example of national prosperity is that which 
the United States furnish. WTiile in Europe each State does 
not cease to contract new obhgations, to increase a burden 
of debt already so heavy, the United States year by year 
diminish the weight of theirs — they do it rapidly, about 150 
minions through the budget. . . . Wliat a contrast between 
the year 1880 and the year 1865. In 1865 a people half- 
ruined, with its bonds at 48 per cent and a depreciated paper 
currency — 1880, a country whose credit rivals that of Great 
Britain. The American Republic has advanced with the 
stride of a giant." 

My audience of the Emperor Alexander II, to delivenfiy 
letter of credence from the President, took place on June 10, 
1880. It had been fixed for the fifth, but it had to be post- 
poned on account of the death of the Empress, which oc- 
curred on the third. The ceremony of the presentation of 
Ministers is more simple than that of Ambassadors at the 
Court of St. Petersburg, and owing to the death of the Em- 




148 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

press was even more simple in my ease. I give the details of 
it as written to my wife, then in Paris : — 

I went to the Winter Palace in my own carriage, as is the 
custom here, accompanied only by my chasseur, or official 
servant. At the entrance I was met by an officer in uniform 
who escorted me to the stairway, whence the under-master of 
ceremonies conducted me to the waiting-room, where Prince 
Lieven, the chief master of ceremonies, received and enter- 
tained me until I was called to the Emperor in the adjoining 
room, within a short time after my arrival. Prince Lieven 
accompanied me to the door and there left me. The door was 
closed when I had entered, and I stood alone in the presence 
of the Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias. 

He took my hand and apologized for keeping me waiting 
a few minutes (is punctuaHty a royal virtue?), as he said he 
had just returned from a ser\dce at the Cathedral where the 
Empress is buried. I then handed him the President's letter 
with a few remarks, to which he responded — all in an in- 
formal manner. He referred to the old friendship of the two 
nations and we exchanged a few phrases on that subject. He 
asked me if this was my first visit to Russia, and with a few 
other commonplace remarks the interview closed. His whole 
manner was very pleasant. We shook hands again and I 
bowed myself out, the entire ceremony not occupying more 
than eight minutes. 

I was met by Prince Lieven, who accompanied me to the 
exit, where the next officer took charge of me, and so on, as 
I came in, till I reached my carriage, the soldiers on guard 
at the staiTO'ays and in the halls presenting arms as I passed. 
There was less ceremony even than in Mexico, except that 
all the officials were in bright uniforms or Hveries. I wore my 
dress-suit, with my army badges, mourning shirt-studs, 
black gloves, and cravat. I am very glad my reception was 
so soon after the Empress's burial. I am told I have been 



FROM MEXICO TO RUSSIA 149 

fortunate not to have waited a month. The Government 
have certainly been very courteous and considerate about it. 

I was very agreeably impressed with the Emperor. His 
personal appearance was quite attractive. He had an erect 
and soldierly bearing, expressive blue eyes, and might v.ell 
be described as a handsome man. He possessed great grace 
of manner, was affable and pleasing in conversation. I have 
met no other sovereign with whom personal intercourse v/as 
so cordial and agreeable. The other members of the imperial 
family and grand dukes to whom it was my duty to pay my 
respects had already absented themselves from the Capital, 
and we were not presented to them mitil the autumn. 

I found most of my diplomatic colleagues still at their 
posts. There were two points of contrast with the Diplomatic 
Corps of Mexico — fii'st, it was much more numerous, being 
one of the largest in Europe; and, second, there were the 
distinct grades of Ambassadors and Ministers. On the latter 
I called immediately after my presentation to the Emperor. 
To the Ambassadors the established practice required me to 
address each a note asking them to fix a time when it would 
be convenient for them to receive me, which was in almost 
every case set for the next day. The special privileges which 
attach to Ambassadors were never any serious embarrass- 
ment to me, nor do I think they stood in the way of my use- 
fulness to my country. At the Foreign Office, for instance, if 
I arrived first, my ambassadorial colleagues voluntarily 
yielded me precedence in my interview with the Minister of 
State, and I had with them even more cordial and intimate 
relations than with most of my colleagues of the same rank. 
I attribute this not to any personal merits on my part, but 
to the commanding position which the United States had 
attained in Europe, coupled with the high tone of courtesy 
of my ambassadorial associates. 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 

In no capital of the world during the "eighties" were there 
more able and distinguished diplomats than those accredited 
to the Court of St. Petersburg. Probably not the most astute, 
but the most brilHant, of these was the British Ambassador, 
the Marquis of Dufferin. This was his first diplomatic post, 
but he had already played an important part in pubhc affairs 
in Parliament and the Ministry. He was a student at Eton, 
graduated with honor at Oxford, and all through life kept up 
his classical studies; for instance, while Governor-General of 
Canada, replying to an academic address in Greek. He was 
an enthusiastic sportsman, a good rider in the chase, a water- 
color artist of no mean merit, and an author of good repute. 
He was an accomplished talker, both in conversation and on 
the platform, and possessed of a ready wit inherited from his 
ancestor Sheridan. He had the Chesterfield graces, was 
admired by women, popular with men, and a favorite in the 
drawing-room and at Court. 

He came from Canada, where he had w^on much reputation, 
to St. Petersburg at a critical period in the relations between 
the two Governments. The British fleet only recently had 
prevented the Russian occupation of Constantinople, and at 
the Berlin Conference Disraeli had torn up the Treaty of San 
Stefano; Russia was pushing her advance in Asia uncomfort- 
ably near the frontier of India ; there was on the part of 
Russia a feeling of resentment, and of suspicion on the part 
of Great Britain ; and it was Dufferin's difficult role to smooth 
the irritation of Russia and quiet the alarm in India. It is 
high praise to say he discharged his task with success. 



DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 151 

From St. Petersburg he was tmnsferred to Constantinople, 
thence to the vice-royalty of India, again in the diplomatic 
service at Rome, and he concluded his versatile official 
career as Ambassador at Paris, where I was again brought 
into personal and official relations with him during the 
Anglo-American Arbitration of 1893. 

He had inherited with his Irish peerage a large Irish 
estate, but between his hberal wayof living and the landlord- 
tenant embarrassment it was largely dissipated. He enter- 
tained hberal views on the latter question, but could not 
agree to the extreme demands of the tenants. Knowing his 
interest in the subject, I gave him once at St. Petersburg an 
article by an American observer, and he replied, sending his 
thanks for my attention, hi a lengthy letter, in which he re- 
futed the observations with much force, showmg an intimate 
knowledge of the jDerplexing question. When he retired he 
found the pension allowed by his Government insufficient for 
his needs, without revenue from his Irish estate, and he em- 
barked in a business scheme, lending his name as president to 
an enterprise of which he knew httle and to which he was not 
fitted to contribute any useful service. It proved a discredit- 
able failure and embittered the last days of an otherwise 
brilliant and honorable life. 

He was ably supported throughout his entire public career 
by Lady Dufferin, a woman of many accomplishments and 
charms, much tact, great hospitality, and a humane spirit. 
From the beginning I and my family were made perfectly 
at home in the British Embassy, and we were much in the 
company of its host and hostess. 

One of my colleagues with whom I formed a warm friend- 
ship was the gallant and dashing French Ambassador, Gen- 
eral Chanzy. He was in every sense a soldier, as St. Peters- 
burg was his first and only diplomatic post, and that for two 
years only. Before the fall of Napoleon III and the humilia- 
tion of the French arms in his ill-starred campaign, Chanzy 



152 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

had seen service in Algiers, at Magenta and Solferino, and in 
the Syrian campaign. He had brought himself into bad odor 
by exposure of the corniptions in the War Office, and he was 
refused a command in the Franco-German War. But when 
the Germans advanced upon Paris, it was Chanzy who called 
his countr3rmen to arms, hastily collected the Army of the 
Loire, and heroically but vainly sought to drive back the 
invader. In the establishment of the Third Republic, he has 
been styled the strong right hand of Gambetta, as it was his 
conspicuous abihty and military talent that enabled the 
latter to carry to success his plans. On his return from St. 
Petersburg he filled the important post of Governor of Al- 
geria for six years, and he died very soon after Gambetta. 
He was a great admirer of the United States, and was always 
anxious to hear my experiences in our Civil War. 

The Austrian Ambassador, Count Kalnoky, had been 
trained in the diplomatic service, having entered it at the 
age of twenty-two. After ten years spent in London, he passed 
to Rome, Copenhagen, and St. Petersburg. After a brief re- 
sidence here he was recalled to the Foreign Office at Vienna, 
and as Prime Minister of that Empire for several years he 
played an important part in the Triple Alliance and European 
politics. His downfall was brought about in 1895 by his de- 
votion to the Catholic Church and his extreme ultramontane 
views. 

A very interesting character was Count Nigra, the Italian 
Ambassador. He was an ardent friend of Count Cavour and 
an enthusiastic supporter of the New Italy. He left his 
studies as a youth in 1848 and joined in the Sardinian cam- 
paign against Austria. At the end of the hostilities he en- 
tered the Foreign Office, accompanied Cavour to London in 
1855, participated in the negotiations for the Franco-Italian 
alliance of 1859, and followed the French headquarters in 
that campaign. From 1861 to 1876 he was the Italian repre- 
sentative in Paris. In the latter vear he was transferred to 



DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 153 

St. Petersburg; afterwards served in London and Vienna, 
and his last public duty was as the chief of the Italian dele- 
gation at the Hague Peace Conference of 1899. 

I was often entertained by the narrative of his unique 
experiences with Cavour, in the campaigns, and his long and 
eventful residence in Paris. One of his narratives is so typical 
of the many brilliant Russian women who have played such an 
important part in European politics that I venture to repro- 
duce it. Count Nigra relates that when he went to take leave 
of Cavour in 1860, and assume charge of the Sardinian (after- 
wards Italian) Legation in Paris, Cavour said to him : " I am 
giving you a letter for the Countess de Circourt. Take it to 
her yourself, and frequent her salon. This is my final instruc- 
tion to you ; and if you carry it out, you will be able to render 
sundry additional services to our country, besides getting 
profit and pleasure for yourself." 

Anastasie Klustine (Circourt) was bom in Moscow in 1808, 
the daughter of parents of high rank of the nobility. Her 
early years were spent partly in Moscow and partly on the 
family estate. First through governesses and then from 
tutors, at sixteen she knew Russian, German, French, and 
English. Though her health was delicate, she had learned 
also the ancient Church-Slavonic, and was studying religion, 
music, ethics, metaphysics, and botany. At eighteen, in 
company with her mother, she commenced the travels which 
occupied much of her Ufe. Up to the date of her marriage at 
twenty-two, she had spent much time in Paris, at Nice and 
Geneva, and in Italy, improving her mind and adding to 
her knowledge of languages. She was not pretty, but had a 
pleasant face, elegant manners, remarkable intelligence and 
education, and a nobility of soul which attracted the atten- 
tion of distinguished persons wherever she appeared. Her 
husband, Count Circourt, was a French nobleman of fortune 
and literary taste. After some years spent in the intellectual 
circles of Geneva and Italy, and in revisiting Russia, they 



154 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

established themselves at Paris, and during the imperial 
regime of Napoleon III, her home was the leading centre of 
the poUtical, hterary, and artistic Ufe of that gay capital, 
probably the last survivor of those salons which a century 
or two ago made Paris famous in the intellectual world. 

Nigra had his poUtical and diplomatic training under a 
most excellent master, the great Cavour ; but he said that in 
the drawing-room of the Countess Circourt he found fully 
reaUzed the prediction of Cavour, the meeting-place of all 
the well-known persons, men and women, of all countries, 
among her American friends being our countrymen Ticknor 
and Prescott. There, lying upon a sofa, because of a physical 
infirmity, she welcomed her distinguished friends, and there 
the young Italian diplomat received valuable training in 
social and political affairs for his long public career. Nigra 
died in 1907 while the Second Hague Peace Conference was 
in session, and it was my sad duty to unite with the Confer- 
ence in voting a memorial on my old colleague's demise. 

The member of the Diplomatic Corps of St. Petersburg who 
sustained the most intimate personal relations with Alex- 
ander II and exercised the greatest influence at Court was 
General von Schweinitz, the German Ambassador, Dean of 
the Corps. He spoke Russian fluently, a rare accomphshment 
of a diplomatist even at that capital, w^as a general of high 
rank, and usually accompanied the Emperor in the miUtary 
review^s and often on his hunting expeditions. He possessed in 
an unusual degree the confidence of Bismarck, wdio for some 
years previous had occupied the same post. Before coming to 
St. Petersburg he spent seven years at Vienna, where he met 
and married the daughter of John Jay, the American ]\Iin- 
ister at that Court. She was an accompHshed and attractive ' 
woman, a worthy representative of her distinguished Uneage. 
My residence in St. Petersburg was immediately opposite 
that of the German Ambassador, and the two families saw 
much of each other. 



DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 155 

The Chinese Minister, Marquis Tseng, was a noted member 
of the Diplomatic Corps. His father before him had been an 
important character in Chinese affairs, having taken a pro- 
minent part in suppressing the Taiping RebelHon and in 
the rearrangement of the Empire, The Marquis had for some 
time filled the post of Chinese Minister in London, where I 
first met him, and he was presented to the Emperor only a 
few weeks after my presentation. He came at a critical period 
in the relations of the two empires. Russia was steadily 
pushing its advance in Eastern Asia and taking advantage 
of every opportunity for encroachments on Chinese territory. 
The predecessor of the Marquis had been overreached by 
shrewd Russian diplomacy, and been induced to sign a treaty 
yielding to the claims of Russia for a large part of the Kuldja 
Province. The treaty was made in violation of the Minister's 
instructions, the Chinese Government refused to ratify it, 
and the Minister on his return home was imprisoned and 
sentenced to decapitation. His life was saved only through 
the remonstrance of the Diplomatic Corps at Peking, who 
explained to the Chinese rulers that in this day an unfaithful 
diplomatic representative was merely dismissed in disgrace 
from the service. 

Marquis Tseng was dispatched to St. Petersburg, as the 
most able Chinese diplomatist, to accomplish the difficult 
task of satisfying the offended Russian Government and to 
make a new treaty. He had told me in London that he hoped 
to be able to have my aid and counsel. After the negotiations 
were entered upon at St. Petersburg, he kept me informed of 
the progress made, and took a very gloomy view of the situa- 
tion, fearing his failure and that war was imminent. At last, 
after some months had passed, he came to me to say that 
affairs had reached such a stage that he feared he could go no 
further without my aid, and he asked if I would, as a great 
service to his Government and himself personally, see M. de 
Giers, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to say a word 



156 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

in favor of a peaceful settlement of the differences, and re- 
commend to the Russian Government a spirit of conciliation 
and forbearance towards China in the pending negotiations. 
He felt sure that a friendly word from me would be of great 
service to China just at that time, in view of the warm friend- 
ship existing between Russia and the United States and of the 
further fact that my country would not be suspected of any 
sinister motive in the suggestions I should make. 

I told the Marquis that it was a very delicate task for me 
to undertake, and that I could only venture to refer to the 
subject as I might have occasion incidentally in one of my 
visits to the Foreign Office on other business, if an oppor- 
tunity offered. 

Just at that time I was engaged in an animated discussion 
with M. de Giers on the rights of American Jews in Russia, 
and, in the course of one of our conversations, in answer to 
my animadversion on race prejudice, he referred to the 
treatment of the Chinese in the United States as an illus- 
tration of the difficulty of treating the race question. This 
enabled me to mention the satisfactory termination the year 
before of the treaty negotiations between the United States 
and China on the labor question, and to follow it up with a 
statement of the deep and growing interest which our country 
felt in the maintenance of peace among the nations of Eastern 
Asia, on account of the development of our Pacific States and 
of American commerce through them ; and I expressed the 
hope that the negotiations which I understood were now 
pending between Russia and China would have a hke peaceful 
and satisfactory conclusion. 

M. de Giers listened to me with interest and expressed 
himself as highly gratified to have an opportunity to talk 
with me on the subject. He understood how great an interest 
the United States as a commercial nation had in the main- 
tenance of peace in those regions, and he assured me that 
the Russian Government was desirous of coming to an ami- 



DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 157 

cable arrangement with China and had no disposition to be 
harsh or to exact inconvenient conditions. After explaining 
in some detail the situation of the negotiations, he remarlved 
jocosely that as the former Chinese Minister was condemned 
to decapitation for making his treaty, the present Minister 
appeared solicitous to act so that w^hen he returned to China 
he would not have his head cut off ! 

Marquis Tseng was successful in negotiating and signing 
a treaty satisfactory to his Government, and for which he 
gained much credit at home and abroad. To what extent my 
action contributed to that result I cannot say ; the Marquis 
at least expressed his gratitude to me ; and when I visited 
China fourteen years later I found that my relations at St. 
Petersburg contributed to the warmth of my reception at 
Peking. It was the beginning of an intercourse with the rulers 
of that Empire which continued throughout my public life. 

The most distinguished and accomplished diplomatist 
(using the term in its strict sense, for he could hardly be 
called a great statesman) I have ever met was Prince Alex- 
ander Gortchakoff, Chancellor of the Russian Empire. On 
my arrival in St. Petersburg he w^as still the nominal chief 
of the Foreign Office, and our official communications were 
addressed to him, though the answers were signed by M. de 
Giers, "directing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs," as for 
some years he had ceased to have any active participation in 
affairs of state, except on rare occasions. A short time after 
my arrival, in a call at the Foreign Office, I inquired of Baron 
Jomini, the Under-Secretary, about the Prince's health. Tie 
answered that he w^as not well and that he never w^ould be 
better ; that he was permanently retired from public life ; 
that his spirits were completely broken when the late war 
with Turkey was resolved upon, to which he was strongly 
opposed ; that he felt the great need of Russia was peace in 
order to repair her finances and develop the resources of the 
country ; that his advice was not followed, and since that time 



158 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

he had been a disappointed man, broken down both in health 
and spirits. He never appeared in pubhc during my time, but 
I had two interesting interviews with him at his own re- 
sidence, and while I found him suffering from the gout and 
feeble physically, his mind seemed bright and strong, and he 
evinced still that vivacity and wit for which he was so famous. 

Gortchakoff was the best type in his day of the trained 
diplomatist. Born of a princely family which claimed descent 
from Rurik, he received the best education attainable in 
Russia. He spoke and wrote French with versatility and 
elegance and was a good German and Italian scholar. He 
conversed with me in English, but with some hesitation. As 
a young secretary he attended the congresses of Laybach 
and Verona, under the auspices of the Holy Alliance, and 
was able to avail himself so early of the precepts of those 
able masters, Pozzo di Borgo and Metternich. His name is 
associated with another illustrious chancellor, though Bis- 
marck was a mere lad when Gortchakoff had already achieved 
fame as a dexterous negotiator. He was called to the charge 
of the Foreign Office in succession to that other great Russian 
diplomatist, Nesselrode, in 1856, after active participation in 
the Paris Conference. 

The standard of his profession in that period required edu- 
cation and genius, training in its duties, talent as a negotiator, 
cyclopsedic intelligence, knowledge of several languages, — 
with ability to speak them without raising a smile, — mastery 
of a smoothly gliding and if need be ambiguous verbiage, but 
a capacity for plain and firm language when required, ready 
wit, a knowledge of men and women, a taste for worldly 
pleasures, and the primary elements of statesmanship. These 
Gortchakoff possessed in greater measure than any other man 
of his time, and this explains the ascendancy which he so 
long and so effectively exercised over the foreign relations 
of his Empire. 

The chief defect of his character was his great vanity, but 



DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 159 

that was a natural result of his great success and of the army 
of flatterers who surrounded him. Sir Horace Rumbold, the 
British diplomat, who saw much of him in his prime, says he 
was the wittiest man he ever met, and that he seldom came 
away from him without some good saying which he did not 
fail to communicate to Lord Clarendon. He repeats a current 
story concerning a personage who attained notoriety in 
Washington during President Grant's Administration. Rum- 
bold writes: ''The petits ministhes, as his [Gortchakoff's] in- 
timates in the Imperial Chancellerie were termed, partly 
owed their standing with him to unblushing adulation. A 
good story was told of Catacazy, the cleverest and least repu- 
table of them, whom he sent to Washington and had to recall 
on account of his attempts to embroil us with the United 
States. This Russo-Greek had entangled himself with a lady 
of Jewish extraction, of the romantic appellation of Fitz- 
james de Berwick, whom he was foolish enough to marry, 
to his patron the Chancellor's great disgust. Henceforward, 
the Chancellor said to him, ' You are lost for me in the crowd !' 
*0f your Highness's admirers,' was the ready reply. This the 
Prince could not resist. 'You are a man of wit,' he said to 
the wily Catacazy; 'come and dine with me this evening.' " 
But Catacazy's flattery did not save him from permanent 
retirement because of his Washington conduct. 

The Russian official with whom I naturally had most to 
do was M. de Giers, Minister of Foreign Affairs. He entered 
that office at the age of eighteen as a clerk. He served as 
Minister in Switzerland, Sweden, and Prussia, and in 1875 
became Assistant Minister under GortchakofT, and during the 
last years of Alexander II was the real Minister. He tendered 
his resignation to Alexander III at the same time with Loris 
Melikoff, as he shared in his liberal views, but the Emperor 
did not see fit to accept it. He was thoroughly conversant 
with the business and traditions of his office, he was vigil- 
ant, prudent, active, unambitious, and obedient — qualities 



160 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

which the new Emperor appreciated, and he retained him to 
the close of his reign. He did not possess brilUant quahties, 
but he proved a most useful public servant. My relations 
with him were most pleasant and cordial, and I heartily 
indorse Lord Dufferin's estimate of him, written after De 
Giers's death, as "one of the most moderate, sensible, and 
straightforward statesmen I have ever known." 

One of my nearest neighbors in St. Petersburg was His 
Serene Highness, Prince Lieven, Grand Master of Ceremonies, 
his palace being nearly opposite my residence, and our fami- 
lies, finding much that was congenial in tastes, saw a good 
i deal of each other. He was greatly interested in the develop- 
f ment of our country, and was frequently asking me questions 
as to its growth and productions. I remember, for instance, 
I his amazement at the statistics I gave him, at his request, of 
j the annual yield of Indian corn, which he said was almost 
\ incredible. He was a Protestant, his family coming from one 
of the German provinces, quite a devout Christian, and he 
manifested as much interest as his high position would per- 
mit in the evangelistic movement in the Greek Church, to 
which I refer in the next chapter. 

His family is one of the most illustrious of the European 
nobility and figures prominently in the "Almanach de 
Gotha." They are Livonians, and trace their ancestry back in 
an unbroken line to a feudal baron of the thirteenth century. 
They gained their first prominence in Russian society owing 
to the fact that the wife of Count Otto Lieven was the gov- 
erness of the children of the Czar Paul, — Alexander, Con- 
stantine, and Nicholas, — who regarded her as their second 
mother. But the most famous member of the family was the 
wife of Prince Lieven, Ambassador of Russia in Berlin, Lon- 
don, and Paris in the first half of the nineteenth century. 
Probably no other woman connected with the Diplomatic 
Corps of Europe made herself so distinguished for her talents 
and influence. A son of the Prince Lieven of my acquaintance 



DIPLOMATS AND THE RUSSIAN COURT 161 

commanded a vessel of the Russian squadron at Port Arthur 
in the late war, successfully ran his ship through the Japanese 
fleet, and escaped with her to Saigon. 

My association with the men whose career I have briefly 
sketched was a profitable and interesting experience, as I 
was thus brought into personal contact with statesmen who 
had taken an active part in the important political affairs of 
Europe and whose relation to those of an earlier generation 
covered the events of the Old World throughout the nine- 
teenth century. 

Soon after my arrival in St. Petersburg I also became 
cognizant of a phase of monarchical life which seemed strange 
to one educated in the republican simplicity of the New 
World. I have mentioned the death of the Empress a few 
days after my arrival. She was a German princess of unex- 
ceptionable character, and his biographer records that the 
marriage to her of Alexander II "was wholly a love-match, 
the young prince having made his own choice among a host 
of German princesses." For many years the marriage proved 
a happy one, and there came to them a group of several sons 
and a daughter. After these had grown to manhood the 
Emperor contracted a friendship for another woman whom 
he made his mistress, and so open was this alliance that it 
became known throughout Europe. During the last illness 
of the Empress, this mistress and her imperial children were 
living in the Winter Palace, where the former lay dying. The 
Russian Princess Radziwill is authority for the statement 
that they occupied rooms in the palace directly "over those 
of the Empress, and that she could hear the children of her 
rival run and play above her head." 

Although by an imperial ukase a general mourning for the 
Empress of six months had been decreed, the Emperor within 
six weeks of her death celebrated a morganatic marriage with 
this mistress. I had been instructed by cable to communicate 
to the Emperor the condolence of the President on the great 



162 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

loss sustained in the death of the Empress, and I was to add 
that ''the President trusts that His Majesty will bear this 
dispensation with the fortitude which he has shown under all 
the severe trials of his reign." The hasty marriage showed 
that His Majesty had a source of consolation not counted on 
by the President. 

These events were the most animated subject of general 
conversation in court and diplomatic circles during the first 
months of my residence. A newspaper correspondent at St. 
Petersburg of high standing, in recording the events attend- 
ing the morganatic marriage, stated that it was "generally 
looked upon here as the act of a thorough gentleman," and 
that it had "produced an agreeable sensation, it being but 
too well known how sovereigns have frequently disposed of 
their loving friends." 

An imperial ukase was issued to the Russian Senate in- 
forming that body of the marriage and directing that the^ 
wife be given the title of Princess, with inheritance of the' 
rank by her children. But the ukase was never published, 
she had no public position at Court, and will have none in the , 
Russian dynasty. By the Emperor's will she became one of 
the wealthiest women in Europe, a single item of her estate . 
being eighteen millions of roubles in London banks. Upon 
the accession to the throne of Alexander III she left Russia, 
as reported, under a decree of perpetual banishment. It was 
a consoling reflection for me that the people of my country 
had not yet reached such a standard of social culture as to 
tolerate similar conduct on the part of their President in the 
White House. 



CHAPTER XIV 

RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 

One of my predecessors at the Russian Court, who called on 
me in New York before sailing, told me that I would have 
very little to do in the Legation ; that I might have to go to 
the Foreign Office about once a month to get a poor American 
Jew out of trouble ; but that I would find little else of an 
official character to occupy my time. This was hardly an 
accurate statement of the business of the Legation, as it was 
not found by me to be an idle post, but his prognostication as 
to the Jewish question proved correct. \ 

On my arrival in St. Petersburg there was awaiting me a \ 
dispatch from Secretary Evarts, occasioned by a call on him 
by certain prominent citizens representing the American 
Hebrew congregations, requesting that "the Minister of the 
United States to St. Petersburg may be instructed to make 
such representations to the Czar's Government, in the inter- / 
est of religious freedom and suffering humanity, as will best 
accord with the most emphasized liberal sentiments of the 
American people." The dispatch instructed me that I could 
only approach the Russian Government on the question when 
the laws of that country injuriously aiTected American citi- 
zens, but in doing so it was the desire of the President that 
my action should be consistent with the theory of religious 
freedom on which our Government was founded. 

I also found that the charge ad interim had already on his 
hands the case of an American Jew expelled from St. Peters- 
burg under circumstances of peculiar hardship. Henry Pinkos, 
an IsraeHte and a citizen of the United States, engaged in 
small trade in that city, was ordered by the police to leave 



y 



164 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the city at once, and he was told that all foreign Jews had 
been ordered to depart, the order being issued soon after the 
explosion in the Winter Palace, with which it was charged 
that certain Jews were concerned. The American Consul- 
General obtained from the police a delay of three days, and 
as no steamer was sailing a further delay of a week was 
granted, and by application to the Foreign Office three 
months were allowed him to settle up his business. 

At the end of that time he sold his little property at a 
sacrifice and prepared to leave Russia. Having paid his 
passage and sent his luggage on board a vessel at Cronstadt, 
he was making ready to depart with his family when he was 
asked by the police for his passport. He showed them the 
indorsement ordering him to leave St. Petersburg, which he 
supposed to be sufficient. The police told him it was not, and 
sent him and his family back to St. Petersburg to procure 
the required permission. The ship sailed without him, carry- 
ing off his baggage, and forfeiting his passage-money. He 
found himself penniless in a foreign city and was indebted 
to private charity for the means to leave the country, which 
he did by the next London vessel. 

Soon thereafter a second Jewish case arose. A Mr. Wilczyn- 
ski, the agent of an American mercantile firm having much 
business in Russia, entered the country with an American 
passport duly visaed, and reached St. Petersburg without 
obstruction. Not long after his arrival he was ordered by the 
police to leave the city, the reason alleged being that he 
was a Jew, and the following indorsement was placed upon 
the passport signed by the police officer: "The bearer of this 
passport, a North American citizen, a merchant, and a 
Jew, Marx Wilczynski, is forbidden to reside in St. Peters- 
burg." 

Wilczynski presented himself at the American Legation 
in Berlin to make his complaint, alleging that he had to 
leave St. Petersburg with such precipitancy that he had no 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 165 

time to apply to the Legation in the latter city for advice 
and assistance. 

These two cases formed the basis of the exchange of 
various notes between the Legation and the Foreign Office, 
and of several interviews by me with the Ministers of Foreign 
Affairs, of the Interior, and of Worship. Our Government 
based its intervention in these cases upon its duty to follow 
with its protection all of its citizens in foreign lands, and not 
to allow any religious test to be a bar to that protection. We 
also insisted that under our treaty with Russia American 
citizens were guaranteed the right to reside in all parts of 
that country and enjoy the same security and protection as 
Russian subjects. 

In reply, M. de Giers, the IMinister of Foreign Affairs, held 
that the right of Americans to enter and reside in Russia 
was subject to the provision in the treaty, "on condition of 
their submitting to the laws and ordinances there prevail- 
ing," which in the case of American Jews meant that they 
were subject to the same restrictions as were imposed upon 
Russian Jews. M. de Giers urged that the Jewish question 
v/as a very vexatious and difficult one, and that in Russia it 
could not be treated as an abstract question, as it was com- 
plicated with a long series of legislative acts and regulations, 
the strong prejudices of the masses of the Russian people, 
the bad character of great numbers of the Jewish race, and 
various political and social circumstances. He stated that 
the Jewish subjects, almost exclusively Polish, were generally 
a bad class of society, largely engaged in smuggling and ille- 
gal commercial transactions, and active in the revolutionary 
conspiracies and plots against the Emperor's life. 

He said there was every disposition to enforce the laws 
as leniently as possible against American Jews, especially as 
they were few and usually of the better class ; but owing to 
the large number of German and Austrian Jews on the border 
it was difficult to repeal or relax the laws. And the fact was 



166 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

that after my remonstrances in the cases of Pinkos and Wil- 
czynski, I had no further complaints from my Hebrew fellow 
citizens. Wilczynski was offered a permit for six months to 
visit St. Petersburg, with the understanding that another 
six months would be granted, if desired, and General Loris 
Melikoff, Minister of the Interior, assured me that on my 
application he would give American Jews all the time I might 
ask. 

In the course of my interviews with these imperial minis- 
ters they received in the most friendly spirit my representa- 
tions as to the harshness and antiquated character of their 
laws against the Jews ; they freely admitted that they were 
not in accordance with the spirit of the age, and that they 
were desirous of conforming the code more nearly to the pre- 
sent stage of civilization, but they found the project sur- 
rounded by many difficulties to which other nations were not 
subjected. Neither did they fail to retort that few nations 
W'Cre free from race prejudice, and asked me if we were not 
finding some embarrassment in the coming of Chinese to our 
country. (Just at that time the people of California were in 
the midst of the "Sand-lot" labor agitation.) 

During the pendency of this discussion I made considerable 
effort to ascertain what were the laws in force relative to the 
Jews. I was given a large volume, of nearly twelve hundred 
pages, in the Russian language, which I was informed re- 
lated exclusively to legislation governing the Jews, but I 
could find no digest, and it was difficult to ascertain just what 
laws were in force and what obsolete. I found, however, that 
by this large mass of ukases, decrees, and police orders, the 
Jews were confined to a restricted portion of territory in the 
southwest of the Empire ; that even within this territory 
their habitation was prescribed, their avocations in life were 
minutely enumerated, and beyond this fist they could not 
trespass, whatever might be their tastes or desires; that 
their education and religion were regulated by governmental 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 167 

interference and surveillance ; that they could not change 
their residence to other parts of the Empire without previous 
application to the highest authorities, and that only bankers 
and capitalists were granted permission, and they only to 
reside in the Capital and a few other designated cities ; and to 
aggravate the situation, free emigration to foreign countries 
was prohibited, under pain of Siberian imprisonment. In my 
examination I did not find that M. de Giers's charge that 
Jews were active in revolutionary conspiracies and plots 
against the Emperor's life was largely true, but recalling 
this code and remembering the wrongs and outrages which 
they had suffered, my wonder was that more Israelites were 
not found in the Niliilist ranks. 

The Emperor Nicholas I had been quite severe in the en- 
forcement of the Jewish laws and restrictions, but during the 
reign of Alexander II they had been greatly relaxed. For in- 
stance, under the then existing regulations only a very limited 
number of this race, a few merchants, bankers, and profes- 
sional men, were permitted to reside in St. Petersburg, but I 
was informed on reliable authority that, in 1880, while only 
about fifteen hundred Jews were registered by the police, 
the number of Jewish residents amounted to thirty thousand ; 
that while the Government did not recognize their legal exist- 
ence, there were nine synagogues in the city ; and that while 
only one Hebrew school was registered, there were over three 
thousand children in unauthorized schools. 

During my residence the country was several times dis- 
graced by Jewish massacres, some of them only a little less 
revolting than the later one at Kishineff, which so horrified 
the civilized world. It was plain to me then that the country 
must pay dearly in the end for the unjust treatment of six 
millions of its people. The disorders in the Empire which 
have followed the Russo-Japanese War are in some measure 
due to the cruel and unwise Jewish poHcy extending through 
generations of time. 



168 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

I was early made acquainted officially with an institution 
which was a novelty in my republican experience, the cen- 
sorship of the mails. The American Consul-General found 
that his newspaper mail was being tampered with and some 
of it withheld at the St. Petersburg post-office. In this case 
it was occasioned by the failure of the publishers, in the 
United States, of the papers withheld to comply with the 
post-office regulation as to registry and permission to circu- 
late in Russia. The detention of the papers addressed to the 
Consul-General at once ceased upon a representation of 
the Legation to the Foreign Office. A strict censorship of the 
mail matter of private individuals was maintained. The let- 
ters and papers were rarely destroyed or detained, but it was 
a common practice of the censors to deface and make illegible 
any article in a foreign newspaper which was regarded as sedi- 
tious or injurious to the Government. It was a frequent habit 
of the American and other resident subscribers of the London 
"Times," for instance, to come to the Legation to read in its 
copy of the "Times" the article which had been censorized 
and blurred at the post-office. 

In almost all respects there was a complete contrast be- 
tween the social conditions which attended our long residence 
in Mexico and those which we found at St. Petersburg. Here 
there was practically no American society: two or three 
American women married to Russian officials, an occasional 
American contractor with his family, without permanent 
residence, and a single American commercial house, that of 
Ropes & Co. of Boston. The manager of this old firm, Mr. 
George H. Prince, a highly estimable old gentleman, had 
spent forty and more years in St. Petersburg and had enjoyed 
the acquaintance of a long list of American Ministers, his 
reminiscences of whom were very interesting. 

In compensation for the smallness of the American colony, 
there were quite a number of British bankers, merchants, and 
manufacturers with their families, to whom we were intro- 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 169 

duced largely through the hospitable British Embassy, and 
we established with them very pleasant relations. In that 
distant land we all seemed members of one great English 
family. 

Humboldt said a century ago that Mexico was the best 
built city in the western hemisphere, and it was even so 
before the foundations of St. Petersburg were laid. But the 
latter far surpassed it in our day in the breadth and attract- 
iveness of its avenues, the extent and imposing character 
of its public buildings, palaces, and private residences, and 
in its activity and commercial importance. The Neva in its 
volume of water is the most majestic river in Europe. With 
its many channels and islands it adds greatly to the attract- 
iveness of the city and its suburbs. The drive about the 
islands, forming a series of city parks, is one of the most 
charming in the world. 

The outdoor amusements and sports were quite in con- 
trast to the excursion parties in the Valley or across the 
mountains in the genial climate of Mexico. Winter is the sea- 
son of amusements and social engagements in Russia. With 
its coming St. Petersburg is transformed into a new city in its 
mantle of snow. Even the horses seem to take on new life ; 
the sleighs which crowd the streets are whisked about with 
lightning speed. The deep-flowing Neva is converted into 
a frozen thoroughfare covered with sledges, and even with 
the encampments of the Laplanders, who drive a thriving 
trade ; the pontoon bridges are withdrawn, and their places 
taken by icy lanes flanked by transplanted pine trees. 

The long nights and the short days of that high latitude 
necessarily make darkness the time for the great variety of 
amusements to which the people are addicted. The younger 
members of our family found much enjoyment in the skating- 
parties in the private parks reserved for the nobility and the 
Diplomatic Corps, the grounds beautifully illuminated and 
the skaters moving to the melody of a band of music detailed 



170 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

for the purpose, while hot tea and sandwiches were served 
from adjacent booths. 

An outdoor sport of the Swiss ice-hills, somewhat resem- 
bling tobogganing but more exhilarating, was much in fash- 
ion. It was quite the custom for the diplomats and others 
to make up parties for those places, situated several miles 
outside the city. The "hills" and the grounds were illum- 
inated with Chinese lanterns and Bengal lights; a band of 
music was often a part of the amusement, even though the 
thermometer stood below zero Fahrenheit, hot tea and re- 
freshments were served in the open, or in a sheltered room 
of the "hills," and after midnight an elaborate supper was 
served in an adjoining room, the entertainment sometimes 
concluding with a small dance and a return home at a some- 
what late hour of the morning. 

A troika party was a similar amusement. A number of 
sleighs, drawn by three fleet horses abreast, and holding four 
persons each, made up the company. A long drive of two 
hours or more was made in the clear, crisp atmosphere, to 
a popular restaurant up near the Finland frontier ; a supper 
was served after midnight to satisfy the appetite sharpened 
by the long open-air ride, which was concluded by an ex- 
hibition of Gypsy dancers or, in lieu of them, a dance by the 
young people of the party. As from the "ice-hills," a return 
home was made early, or rather late, in the morning. The 
rapid, smooth-gliding motion of the sleigh, the broad expanse 
of pure white snow, the brilliant starlight of that clear north- 
ern climate, made the excursion for even us, unacclimated 
foreigners, an exhilarating sport and a pleasing contrast to 
the scenes to which we had been accustomed in far-away 
Mexico. 

Owing to the death of the Empress, followed some months 
after by the assassination of the Emperor, the Winter Palace 
was closed to festivities during the greater part of my re- 
sidence in St. Petersburg. I had occasion to remark that my 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 171 

duties during that time were chiefly in attending imperial 
funerals and services for the repose of the souls of the dead ! 
Because of the Court mourning the society of the Capital was 
not so gay as usual, but in the Diplomatic Corps and among 
the nobility many quiet dinners were given, more even than 
when balls and receptions were the rule. In that way we had 
the opportunity of meeting more of the distinguished per- 
sonages and coming in closer contact with them than under 
ordinary circumstances. In no capital of Europe is there 
found a more hospitable society than that of St. Petersburg. 
The members of the nobility and of the higher classes are 
usually well educated and refined, and more accomplished in 
foreign languages than those of other countries. 

On leaving my home in Indiana for my post at St. Peters- 
burg I was given a number of letters of introduction to per- 
sons of high station in that city by a prominent citizen of my 
State with whom I had had an acquaintance of several years' 
standing, Mr. Barnabas C. Hobbs. He was an active and 
influential member of the Society of the Friends (Quakers), 
and had made a journey to Russia the year before as the 
representative of his society to seek some relief from the mili- 
tary and other exactions of the Government for his co-relig- 
ionists, the Mennonites and Stundists. The simplicity of 
his manners and dress, his intelligence, and devotion to his 
cause, won for him great favor. The Emperor gave him an 
audience and lent a willing ear to his appeal, and he made 
many acquaintances, among the members of the nobility, of 
piety and humane views. 

The letters which Mr. Hobbs gave me brought me in con- 
tact with a class of persons whose acquaintance I might not 
otherwise have formed and with a condition of Russian soci- 
ety little known to foreigners. A few years before that date 
some Russian ladies of rank passing the summer in Switzer- 
land attended evangelistic meetings being held in that coun- 
try by an English nobleman, Lord Radstock, and the French 



172 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Protestant pastors, M. Monod and M. de Pressense. They 
were so much interested in the services that they secured 
a promise from Lord Radstock to visit Russia and conduct 
similar services there. He accordingly came to St. Peters- 
burg, and for three or four successive winters held evangel- 
istic meetings in the palaces and private houses of the 
nobility, which were largely attended and awakened much 
interest. The leaders in the movement were all members of 
the Orthodox Greek Church. Their design was not to establish 
a new sect or a branch of the Protestant Church, but to 
awaken new spiritual life and create a higher standard of 
piety in the established Imperial Church. 

After the departure of Lord Radstock the movement was 
carried on by the Russians themselves. Counts Korff and 
Bobrinsky and Colonel Pashkoff being the leaders. I be- 
came well acquainted with them and they were often wel- 
come visitors at the Legation. Chief of these was Colonel 
Pashkoff, an officer in the Imperial Guards, and a man of 
great wealth and very distinguished family. His large palace 
on the principal street of St. Petersburg, the Nevski Pro- 
spect, was thrown open to the evangelistic meetings during 
the week and on Sundays. They were attended by hundreds 
of people, even as many as a thousand crowding the rooms 
at times and hundreds turned away unable to find admission. 
These congregations were made up of members of princely 
families and of the entourage of the Czar, officers of the army, 
merchants, students, and here and there a priest of the Or- 
thodox Church, and with them peasants, porters, men and 
women of the lower classes. It was said that there was not a 
street-sweeper in all St. Petersburg who did not know Colonel 
Pashkoff and his work of charity in the slums, where he spent 
millions of his own. money and that collected from his friends. 

These meetings, some of which I attended, were to me full 
of interest, with the motley audience and the ser\dces so 
different from those in the Orthodox churches. The exercises 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 173 

were very similar to evangelistic meetings in England and 
the United States. They were commenced with a song, a 
Russian version of some well-known English hymn, simg to 
one of the popular American tunes arranged in harmony 
with the spirit of the Russian national melodies, which are 
plaintive rather than lively. Madame Pashkoff presided at an 
American organ, assisted by a choir composed of her daugh- 
ters and other young ladies. An extempore prayer was offered 
by one of the la5anen, followed by a Bible reading and exposi- 
tion by Colonel Pashkoff ; then other hymns, prayers, and 
addresses usually by Counts Korff and Bobrinsky, both of 
whom were educated and cultured gentlemen and quite 
effective speakers. 

These meetings, held in St. Petersburg in the winter, were 
during the summer months carried on in the country, where 
the leaders went to their estates. The peasants for many 
miles around and from distant estates would gather to hear 
the simple preaching of the Gospel, so different from the 
worship to which they were accustomed in the parish churches 
of the Established Faith. In the Greek churches of St, 
Petersburg, in the other great cities, and throughout the 
country, the services are chanted by the clergy in a Slavonic 
language unintelligible to the people, and sermons are very 
rarely heard. 

It may be readily seen how such meetings as those held 
by these self-constituted lay evangelists would awaken the 
masses of the people to freer thought. They had been held in 
St. Petersburg for several winters without any interference by 
the police, but it was plain that under the repressive influence 
of the Government a time would come when the Holy Synod 
would see the danger which threatened the Orthodox Church 
from such a movement, and the first winter of my residence 
there saw its termination. After the assassination of Alex- 
ander II instructions were issued to the police to stop the 
meetings, and Colonel Pashkoff was ordered to leave Russia, 



174 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

only ten days being allowed him to visit his estates and close 
up his affairs. He became an exile from the land of his birth, 
a large part of his estates were confiscated, and he died more 
than twenty years afterwards, in Paris, in obscurity. 

The union between the Church and State in Russia has 
been one of the strongest supports of autocracy and it has 
been maintained by the Government with the strictest rigor. 
In one respect, however, it has manifested a spirit of liber- 
ality. While it has been the policy to uphold the supremacy 
of the Greek Church and prohibit the entrance of foreign 
missionaries, it has with rare exceptions respected the faith 
of new subjects which its arms have added to the Empire and 
allowed them and their descendants to maintain their own 
ecclesiastical organizations. Nor has the profession of a dis- 
sident faith operated as a bar to public office. In my day the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. de Giers, was a Protestant ; 
likewise one of the highest officers of the Emperor's official 
household, the Grand Master of Ceremonies, Prince Lieven, 
a member of one of the most illustrious families of Europe. 

But no member of the Greek Church was allowed to secede, 
and proselyting therefrom was liable to be followed by Sibe- 
rian exile or other punishment. All children born of mixed 
marriages (of differing sects) were claimed for the State 
Church, and its members were vigorously watched by the 
autocratic power. The restrictions thrown about the serv- 
ices in the Protestant churches illustrate this, as is shown 
by an instance coming under my own observation. A Scotch 
evangelist came to St. Petersburg, after having held services 
in Rome, Paris, and Berlin. He was allowed to preach in the 
English language in the small British and American Chapel, 
but when it was desired to use a hall in the central part of the 
city the public censor forbade it ; nor was it permitted to have 
his sermons in the chapel interpreted into Russ. 

The restrictive measures led to wholesale revolt from the 
State Church, and dissenting sects were multiplying through- 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 175 

out European Russia. It was estimated in 1881 that the 
number of seceders was as high as fourteen milhons. The 
seriousness of this condition appears when it is remembered 
that in the very act of breaking away from the Established 
Church the dissenters arrayed themselves against the Czar, 
and the Government made itself their enemy by wholesale 
banishments to Siberia, local prosecution, and civil disabil- 
ities. This state of affairs was a powerful influence in leading 
Nicholas II to concede greater freedom of worship as one of 
the necessary reforms for modern Russia. 

The second time I had a conversation with Alexander II 
was at the New Year reception of 1881 in the Winter Palace. 
In my report to the Secretary of State I wrote : "In his con- 
versation with me the Emperor manifested the same friendly 
feehng towards our country as is his custom." I have noted 
that at our first meeting he referred to "the old friendship" 
between the two countries. In the two interviews I had with 
Alexander III and subsequently in twice conversing with 
Nicholas II, almost the same language was used by them 
in every instance. The Presidents of the United States have 
used during the same period similar language to Russian 
Ministers in Washington. 

This continuous and uniform expression shows the friendly 
state of the relations between the two countries. But since 
the Russo-Japanese War the sincerity or substantial founda- 
tion of this friendship has been challenged. It would seem 
an anomaly that a genuine friendship could subsist between 
the greatest republic and the most powerful autocracy in the 
world. These cordial relations are largely the outgrowth of 
the events attending our Civil War, as previous to that time 
the intercourse between the two countries was of the most 
formal and unimportant character. At the beginning of our 
history, during the Revolutionary War, the recognition of 
the struggling colonies by Russia was earnestly sought, but 
refused. Mr. Dana, our representative sent to St. Petersburg, 



176 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

was entirely ignored; and our negotiations with Holland 
were discouraged by the Russian Government. 

Dr. Franklin, our representative in Paris, tells an amusing 
incident which occurred in 1782, to illustrate how careful 
the Russian Government was at that time to do nothing 
which might be construed into a recognition of the American 
Colonies. The heir to the Russian throne, traveling under 
the incognito of the Count du Nord, on his arrival in Paris 
caused his card to be left, with that of the Russian Ambas- 
sador, upon the chiefs of the Diplomatic Corps, and among 
others at the American Legation. Dr. Franldin, following 
the custom and in reciprocation of the supposed courtesy, 
registered his name in a book at the Russian Embassy pro- 
vided for the purpose. Immediately afterwards an official 
called at the Legation in Dr. Franklin's absence to recover 
the cards, as he said they had been left by mistake, the in- 
dependence of the Colonies not ha\dng been recognized. The 
Doctor sent back word that he would burn the cards and his 
name might be erased from the book, and thus the error 
would be obliterated and the Count saved from further 
embarrassment. 

During the War of 1812 with Great Britain the Russian 
Government offered its mediation, but its action was inspired 
more by a desire to obtain the undivided military support of 
Great Britain in the contest against Napoleon than by friend- 
ship for the United States. 

At the opening of the G\dl War in 1861, Napoleon III ap- 
proached the Governments of Great Britain and Russia with 
a view to securing their joint or similar action with France in 
their intercourse with the Union and the Confederate States. 
The Government of Great Britain agreed to the policy, but 
the proposal was rejected by Russia, and the latter gave 
Secretary Seward early notice of the French Emperor's action. 
There is no doubt that the attitude of Russia so early in the 
struggle had a restraining influence upon the other two 



RUSSL\N AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCL^ 177 

Powers, and in all probability prevented mediation. Later in 
the contest such mediation was proposed by Napoleon, but 
it was dechned by both Great Britain and Russia. 

In the autumn of 1863 a Russian fleet, without any pre- 
vious notice to the Government of the United States, ap- 
peared in the harbor of New York, and after some weeks' 
stay in that port moved southward and anchored in the Po- 
tomac. Both in New York and Washington the presence of 
this fleet was welcomed as a manifestation of the sympathy 
of the Russian Government with the cause of the Union, and 
marked social attentions were extended to its oflacers. In 
Washington they were received by the President, entertamed 
by the Secretaries of State and of the Na\y, and profuse 
hospitaUty was showered upon them in social circles. 

The manner in which the action of Russia in 1861 and the 
visit of the Russian fleet to American waters in 1863 has con- 
tinued to be regarded by our public men may be seen from 
incidents which occurred during my mission in Russia. After 
the assassination of Alexander II, in addition to communi- 
cating the cabled condolence of the President and Senate of 
the United States (the only branch of Congress then m ses- 
sion) to the new Emperor on the awful tragedy, I was in- 
stmcted by Secretary Blaine to ask a special audience of 
Alexander III, in order, "in a more formal and impressive 
manner than telegraphic communication, to convey to the 
Emperor the sentiments of respect and gratitude toward his 
father which animate the Government and people of the 
United States. They can never forget," IVIr. Blaine directed 
me to say to him, "the course pursued by the late Emperor 
toward this country when our national existence was mi- 
periled by civil strife . . . and exposed to the intervention 
of European Powers." 

I was further instructed to state that " AdjTiasty, not now 
in power [Napoleon III], but then ruling over a country in 
which the people have always been our friends, had resolved 



178 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

upon intervention if cooperation with other nations could 
be assured. This design, so fraught with danger to liberty 
and constitutional government on both sides of the Atlantic, 
was promptly met by the late Emperor with a refusal to take 
any unfriendly steps against the United States. Nor did His 
Majesty stop at merely declining to join a coalition adverse 
to us ; he openly declared in our favor, and fearing, from what 
he knew of the designs against us, that other Powers might 
unwarily be drawn into a hostile attitude toward this coun- 
try, the Emperor sent to the waters which both expose and 
protect our national capital a large and powerful fleet of 
war-vessels as a proclamation to the world of his sympathy 
in our struggle and of his readiness to strike a blow on the side 
of the Union if any foreign Power should strike a blow in aid 
of the insurrection. . . . The Government of the United 
States does not recall those historical facts from a desire to 
awaken unpleasant recollections in any breast, but as a trib- 
ute to the memory of a sovereign whose great power, at a 
most important crisis, was exerted on the side of our Union, 
even at the risk of plunging his own Empire into war." 

In my audience of Alexander III, after delivering the 
message which Secretary Blaine had directed, I reported to 
the Department that the Emperor in his reply said, "It was 
very true, as I had stated, that his father was a sincere friend 
of the United States, and that during our Gvil War he mani- 
fested that friendship and his desire for the perpetuity of the 
Union by the naval demonstration alluded to." 

Schuyler Colfax of Indiana, at the time referred to the 
Speaker of the lower House of Congress and aften^-ards Vice- 
President of the United States, in a letter written in 1880, 
congratulating me on my appointment to the Russian Mis- 
sion, added the following postscript: "P. S. Just as I was 
closing this letter it occurred to me to tell you how I came 
near to being a Russian by courtesy. In 1866, when lecturing 
in Boston on my stage-ride 'Across the Continent,' I spoke of 



RUSSIAN AFFAIRS, POLITICAL AND SOCLU^. 179 

the (then) tri-continental domain of Russia (America, Asia, 
and Europe), and of the debt of gratitude we owed its 
monarch and people for their outspoken friendship for us 
during the War, saving us twice at least from foreign 
intervention against us, etc., etc. A young man from the 
Chancellerie, who was over here studying our institutions, 
etc., for Gortchakoff and the Czar, called on me for a copy 
of those pages of my lecture, which I gave him. Some 
months after, I received an oral message from the Russian 
Minister that 'If Schuyler Colfax would enjoy it, the Czar 
would have him transported from St. Petersburg across 
Russia in Europe and Asia to the Pacific or Sitka,' which 
would have been a grand ride. But I was too full of public 
business and poHtics to consider it. It was quite an episode, 
and I thought you might like to know it." 

Here is the testimony of two prominent American pubHc 
men, participants in the events, given nearly twenty years 
after, of how the attitude of Russia was regarded at the time. 
And yet it is contended that this is only a partial statement 
of affairs, and that the action of Russia was not influenced by 
disinterested friendship for the United States. It is pointed 
out that Russia had only recently emerged from a disastrous 
war waged against her by France and England as allies, and 
that she was in no temper, nor did it coincide with her inter- 
ests, to form a coalition with them in 1861. 

It is also noted that the condition of affairs in Europe in 
1862 was not at all favorable to the peace of Russia. Poland 
was in insurrection, and France was seeking to embarrass 
her by the usual protest of the Powers against her conduct. 
Mr. Dayton, our Minister in Paris, reported that a conflict in 
Europe was imminent. Charles Sumner wrote John Bright, 
October 8, 1863: "You will observe the hobnobbing at New 
York with the Russian admiral. \\Tiy is that fleet gathered 
there? My theory is that when it left the Baltic, war with 
France was regarded as quite possible, and it was determined 



180 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

not to be sealed up at Cronstadt." As indicating the com- 
ments of the press, I quote from ''Harper's Monthly," for 
October, 1863, in its review of current events : " In the present 
position of European politics the presence of these vessels in 
our ports has a special significance. During the Crimean War 
the Russian fleet was closely shut up at Cronstadt and in the 
Black Sea. . . . Should a war break out, as still seems prob- 
able, between Russia and France and England . . . the 
Russian vessels now at large, with such aid as we can give 
them in precise accordance with the course of the English 
Government toward us [the Alabama and other cruisers], 
could render the commerce of England insecure." 

Notwithstanding the state of affairs in Europe and the 
hostile feeling of Russia toward France and England, her 
attitude during the Civil War was helpful to the Union cause, 
and the judgment of history was recorded by Rhodes when 
he wrote that Russia was "the one great Power of Europe 
which had openly and persistently been our friend." The 
cession of Alaska has been regarded by our Government 
and people as an evidence of Russian friendship. It has been 
none the less valuable, though the act may have been in part 
inspired by a jealousy of Great Britain. However, the pre- 
ponderance of sentiment in the United States in favor of 
Japan during its conflict with Russia demonstrated that 
there was no sympathy for the latter's domineering policy 
in the East, and if "the old friendship" is to continue it is 
plain it will be with the New Russia, and not with the 
autocracy. 



CHAPTER XV 

THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 

The most notable event during my mission in Russia and one 
of the most notable in modern history was the assassination 
of the Emperor Alexander II. Five previous attempts upon 
his life had been made. The first of these occurred at St. 
Petersburg in 1866, the Emperor's life being saved by a 
peasant, who was ennobled as a reward for his action. The 
second attempt was made by a Pole in Paris while the Czar 
was on a visit to the exposition in 1867. The third was made 
on him by an ex-official in April, 1879, while returning to the 
Winter Palace from his morning walk, unattended. Several 
pistol-shots were fired at him, some of them piercing his 
clothing, but he escaped unhurt. 

Previous to the third attack it had been the Emperor's 
custom to take his exercise or to go out on informal occasions 
unattended by guards, but thenceforth he invariably ap- 
peared in public with a police or military escort. The fourth 
attempt was a well-laid plan upon his life. He was returning 
with his suite from the Crimea to Moscow, traveling with two 
railway trains, the first carrying the baggage and members 
of the suite, and the second the Emperor and his immediate 
household. A short distance from Moscow, the first train being 
delayed at a station, the Emperor's train took the lead and 
entered the city without any mishap. The second, which 
was supposed to contain the Emperor, was wrecked in the 
suburbs by a dynamite mine and three of the cars contain- 
ing baggage destroyed, but no lives lost. 

The fifth attempt was of a most daring and astounding 
character. It occurred in the Winter Palace on the night of 



182 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the fifth of February, 1880, only a few weeks before my ar- 
rival in St. Petersburg. It was the habit of the Emperor to 
dine at six o'clock, and on this night the dinner was to have 
been attended by a distinguished company, among them 
some of the Imperial Grand Dukes, the Duke and Duchess 
of Edinburgh, and Prince Alexander of Bulgaria, then on a 
visit to the Emperor, and Prince Alexander of Hesse, who 
was to arrive on the evening train. The train being delayed, 
the dinner was postponed a short time in consequence. Pre- 
cisely at six o'clock a terrific explosion immediately under 
the imperial dining-room startled not only all the inmates 
of the palace, but the neighboring precincts of the city. The 
explosives were in the cellar, and the first room above it con- 
taining the guard was wrecked, killing ten of the guard and 
wounding all the rest, about forty in number, and the floor 
of the dining-room on the next story above was blown in, 
all the china and glass on the dining-table shattered, and the 
silver-plate twisted. No one was in this room at the time. 

The precision with which the explosion was timed made it 
evident that the plotters of the deed were well informed as 
to the habits of the imperial family. A searching investiga- 
tion which followed revealed a strange condition of affairs 
in the palace. Lord Dufferin, who was in the Capital at the 
time, relates that the investigation disclosed the fact that the 
whole basement story of that enormous palace was occupied 
by a large population of artisans, moujiks, laborers, and 
dependants, amongst whom it is evident the conspirators 
would have little difficulty in insinuating themselves. A 
clearance of the Augean stable, although all too late, was 
immediately executed, and it was said that the attics pre- 
sented the same cosmopolitan spectacle, including amongst 
their nondescript inhabitants several sheep and a cow ! 

These last three plots upon the Emperor's life occurring 
within less than twelve months, and followed the next year 
by the final successful assault, led some of the press in their 




ALEXANDER II 
Emperor of Russia 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 183 

comments upon the assassination to recall the noted classical 
passage of the Roman historian Suetonius, in his vivid 
description of the Emperor Caligula, haunted by night and 
by day by the fear of assassination. But the life of Alexander 
can furnish no parallel to that of the miserable coward and 
inhuman monster of Rome. Alexander had shown much 
self-possession in the repeated murderous attacks, and con- 
tinued to go in and out among his people unattended by 
guards until forced by his Ministers to accept them. On the 
fatal day of his enemies' triumph, his wife, warned by General 
Loris Melikoff, Minister of the Interior, that a new conspir- 
acy was planned for his assassination, begged him to remain 
in the palace, but he refused to be turned aside from his 
accustomed duties and went forth to meet his appointment. 

On March 13, 1881, the Emperor, as was his practice on 
Sunday forenoons, went to the riding-school of the Palace of 
Engineers, an immense building suitable for the manoeuvres 
of four or five thousand troops, to witness the review of a 
part of the St. Petersburg garrison. He left the review about 
one o'clock and drove to the Michel Palace, where he made 
a short call on his niece, the Grand Duchess Catherine, and 
then continued in his closed carriage on his return to the 
Winter Palace. Just before crossing the stable bridge of the 
Catherine Canal, at 1.45 p.m., a hand-bomb was thrown by a 
young man, dressed in the garb of a street-cleaner, directly 
under the Emperor's carriage, shattering in its explosion the 
rear of the vehicle, but without injuring the Emperor. 

Against the remonstrance of the officer of the guard, he 
alighted from the carriage, saying he must look to the care of 
the wounded lying about on the ground. Wliile the assailant \ 
was being arrested, a second bomb, thrown by another young 
man, was exploded at the feet of the Emperor, horribly 
shattering both his legs, tearing open his abdomen, and in- 
flicting other serious wounds on his person. He was placed in 
the sleigh of the military officer who accompanied him and 



184 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

driven immediately to the Winter Palace. The loss of blood 
was so great and the wounds were so severe that he expired 
at 3.35 P.M., within less than two hours after the explosion. 

One soldier was instantly killed, three or four others, in- 
cluding the second assailant, were mortally wounded, and 
several bystanders, guards and citizens collected after the 
explosion of the first bomb, were more or less severely 
wounded. Among the latter was the music-teacher of my 
daughters, a Frenchman, who chanced to be passing by, 
and had his face horribly disfigured. 

A report of the assassination was soon brought to me by 
one of my servants who was on the streets at the time, and I 
went at once to the palace to confirm it. I there met General 
von Schweinitz, the German Ambassador, just descending 
the Emperor's stairway, from whom I learned some of the 
details of the awful tragedy. I communicated the event 
without delay to the Secretary of State at Washington, and 
when the death occurred I sent a second cable message. It 
illustrates the difference in time of the two capitals to state 
that the first message was delivered to Secretary Blaine at 
12.14 P.M. and the second at 12.25 p.m., when, as noted, the 
assault occurred at 1.45 p.m., and the death at 3.35 p.m. 
These messages carried the sad news to America several 
hours in advance of any other source of intelligence. Mrs. 
Blaine, in one of her published letters, referring to the 
sadness of the visit of the Russian Minister to the Blaine 
residence to see these messages, wrote : " All the news there 
was, for hours, was contained in the telegrams to the Secre- 
tary of State. Poor Emperor, dogged to his death at last !" 

The event created a profound sensation throughout the 
civilized world, and in no country were there more sincere 
expressions of grief and S5mipathy than in the United States. 
President Garfield, through Secretary Blaine, sent me by 
cable a touching message of condolence to be communicated 
to the new Emperor ; the Senate (the House not being then 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 185 

in session) passed appropriate resolutions of sympathy, 
which were cabled me in full for delivery; and Secretary 
Blaine instructed me by mail to ask an audience of Alexander 
III, in order, in a more formal and amplified manner, to con- 
vey to him the sjnnpathy of the Government and people of 
the United States. The assassination of President Lincoln 
was still fresh in the minds of Americans, the memory of 
which would naturally form a bond of grief with a nation 
bowed down with a similar calamity; besides, Alexander II 
was regarded as the one great sovereign of Europe who had 
been a friend of the North during the Civil War, and his 
death came as a personal loss to every lover of the Union. 

The funeral services over the body of the dead Emperor 
continued through two weeks, and were of the most imposing 
character. Probably no mortal ever received a more regal 
interment. He died in his own bedchamber, and the body 
remained in the Winter Palace for five days, during which 
religious services, attended by the imperial family and their 
households, were held almost continually. On the fifth day 
imperial couriers passed through the principal streets of the 
Capital and announced that the body of Alexander II, of 
immortal memory, would be transferred to its final resting- 
place on the next day. Meanwhile there had been brought 
from Moscow the Holy Banner of Russia, the mourning 
regalia, and other requisite paraphernalia. 

On March 19, the funeral cortege was formed in accordance 
with the imperial programme which had been published in 
the " Official Journal." The procession consisted of thirteen 
sections, subdivided into one hundred and seventy-six divis- 
ions, composed of the various departments of Government 
and societies of the Capital and the many delegations which 
had been sent up from all parts of the Empire. The firing of a 
volley of artillery from the fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul 
was the signal for assembling the cortege; a second volley 
was the signal for its formation ; and a third for its march, 



186 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

when all the church-bells of the city began to sound, inter- 
spersed with artillery firing from all the forts. 

The twelfth section was one of the most noticeable. It was 
under the Grand Master of Ceremonies, and in it were borne 
on cushions of gold cloth, with silver fringe, each carried by 
an officer, first, all the foreign orders and decorations which 
had been conferred on Alexander II, fifty-seven in all from 
thirty-six different countries ; second, the orders and decora- 
tions belonging to him from the Empire of Russia ; and third, 
the crowns of the Empire as follows, of the Kingdom of 
Georgia, of Tartary, of Siberia, of Poland, of Astrakhan, of 
Kazan, the Imperial Globe, the Imperial Sceptre, and, last, 
the Imperial Crown. 

In the thirteenth section was the funeral car containing 
the body of the dead Emperor, followed by the reigning 
Emperor, his sons, the Grand Dukes and Imperial Princes, all 
on foot, followed by the Empress and other female members 
of the imperial family in carriages. A double file of soldiers 
accompanied the procession, and the entire route of march 
from the Winter Palace to the Cathedral of St. Peter and St. 
Paul was lined with soldiers on both sides. 

The cortege passed from the Winter Palace along the 
intervening streets and across the Neva to the imposing Cathe- 
dral of St. Peter and St. Paul, which was to be the final rest- 
ing-place of the dead Emperor. I give an account of the cere- 
monies in the cathedral on that day, from a letter written by 
Mrs. Foster just after they took place, which gives more 
accurately the details than I could recall them now : — 

The Diplomatic Corps were invited to be at the cathedral 
at 11.30 A.M., but we waited there till 2 p.m. before all 
the procession arrived and the ceremonies began. The cathe- 
dral was most elaborately and beautifully decorated, and one 
might easily have imagined it the coronation instead of the 
burial of a monarch. In the centre of the cathedral a platform 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 187 

was raised and covered with scarlet cloth trimmed with gold. 
From the high ceiling hung rich curtains of silver sheen lined 
with ermine and bordered with wide gold fringe. These were 
looped back at the four corners, in which were placed the 
imperial arms and portraits of the late Emperor surrounded 
with crepe, and the top was surmounted with huge white 
ostrich feathers. 

Immediately in the centre of this platform was placed the 
coffin, and at the head and foot were placed all the crowns, 
orders, and decorations of Alexander II. These were carried 
in on yellow satin pillows by officials and placed on the stands 
set for them. They were very numerous, but, alas! those 
things which had commanded such attention and been kept 
with so much pride by the silent sleeper had to be left behind 
— he could take none of them with him to the other world. 

On the right of the platform stood the new Emperor and 
Empress, with their two oldest sons, Nicholas [the present 
Czar], aged 13, and George, his brother. The two little 
boys were dressed in military uniforms. By the side of the 
Empress stood the Duchess of Edinburgh, the only daughter 
of the late Emperor ; then came the wife of Vladimir and the 
wives of the late Emperor's brothers. Opposite them were 
the four sons of the dead Emperor, and with them the Duke 
of Edinburgh. Just below the platform were all the brothers, 
nephews, and other relatives of the imperial family. 

The ladies wore plain black flannel dresses with trains four 
yards long, each one having three uniformed attendants 
bearing their trains ; long veils of black crepe falling over the 
head behind ; and white collars and cuffs of batiste or fine 
linen cambric. Over their shoulders they wore a wide red 
ribbon, showing a royal order. The gentlemen of the imperial 
family were dressed in military uniforms, with a wide watered 
blue ribbon across the shoulder. The members of the Diplo- 
matic Corps were all in gay uniforms, I, together with all the 
ladies of the Diplomatic Corps, wore a plain black cashmere, 



188 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

with a court train three yards long ; a crepe veil made into 
a cap on the head and falling three yards behind over the 
gown ; and white collars and cuffs of linen cambric, which is 
considered the deepest mourning. Crepe was on every left 
arm, but only the long flowing black robes of the ladies gave 
any appearance of mourning. 

Every one stood during the services, consisting of prayers, 
which few understood, and chants. The music, which occu- 
pied much of the time, was exceedingly beautiful. The male 
voices (you know that only male voices are used in the Rus- 
sian churches) were so carefully trained, and the choir placed 
so high above the audience, the music as it floated down 
seemed as if coming from the heavens. The services were 
quite long and the only rest for our tired feet was in kneeling 
during the prayers, holding meanwhile a lighted candle in our 
hands. 

When the religious services were concluded, all the mem- 
bers of the imperial family, in order of rank, went up to the 
coffin and kissed the hands and the forehead of the dead 
Emperor, and then slowly left the cathedral. Then came 
the wife of the late Emperor (whom he married last August, 
but who has never been proclaimed Empress), knelt by the 
side of the coffin, kissing the floor, and then the hands and 
forehead of the Emperor. Afterwards came the ladies of the 
Court and the members of the Diplomatic Corps, all of us 
kissing his hands. A heavy rich cloth of gold was thrown 
over the lower part of the coffin, so that we saw only the 
face and hands. The face was peaceful and not at all dis- 
figured. 

As no one was admitted to the cathedral except the imperial 
family, the courtiers, and the Diplomatic Corps, there was no 
crowding, and we had a fine opportunity to see everything. 
The floral decorations consisted of white roses and evergreens 
and were beautiful. Having remained in the cathedral stand- 
ing for nearly four hours, we reached home quite fatigued. 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 189 

The final services will take place next Sunday, just two 
weeks from the day of the assassination. 

We are to go into mourning for six months, including our 
carriage, the chasseur, coachman, and even the horses. An 
official circular has been sent to the Diplomatic Corps, pre- 
scribing the costume to be worn by the ladies. The duration 
of mourning is divided into four periods of six weeks each, 
with a change of dress or costume for each quarter. . . . 

The body lay in state during the week in the cathedral, 
and was visited during certain hours of each day by enormous 
crowds of people. The imperial regalia, orders, and decora- 
tions remained about the coffin, which bore a simple inscrip- 
tion on a gold plate of the birth, accession to the throne, and 
death of Alexander II. Four general aides-de-camp stood 
constantly at each corner of the platform close to the coffin, 
and priests with lighted tapers continually chanted the 
Scriptures and prayers. The stream of people who passed 
into the cathedral mounted the platform between the officers, 
reverently bent over and kissed the hands and made the sign 
of the cross. Many, not being able to restrain their feelings, 
left the church in tears. 

The day before the final interment heralds, with flourish 
of trumpets, went before all the palaces and into all public 
places in the Capital and announced that at 10.30 o'clock the 
next morning would take place the burial of Alexander II, of 
glorious and imperishable memory. No public procession or 
open pageant of any kind marked the last funeral rites of 
the departed sovereign. At a signal of three guns from the 
cathedral fortress at half-past ten, carriages were seen de- 
parting from the Winter Palace and other imperial houses 
en route to the cathedral, in a blinding snowstorm which 
obscured the face of the sky and cast a sombre hue over 
the Capital — a fit day for the final honors to its stricken 
monarch. 



190 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

The scene in the cathedral was much the same as on the 
day of the translation of the body, except that the company 
which stood about the coffin was made still more distin- 
guished by the representatives of all the crowned heads of 
Europe who had come to pay their last tribute of respect and 
grief to the fallen Emperor. Among these were the Prince of 
Wales, now Edward VII, the Crown Prince of Germany, 
afterwards the Emperor Frederick, and other heirs-apparent 
who later became prominent as rulers. Among the illustrious 
ones standing near together were the two Danish sisters — 
the Princess of Wales, now Queen Alexandra, tall, fair, and 
stately, and the Czarina Dagmar, dark and small of stature, 
now Dowager Empress, oppressed with anxiety for her son 
the reigning sovereign, Nicholas 11. 

After the prolonged and impressive funeral service of the 
Greek Church had been concluded, the members of the im- 
perial house, beginning with the Emperor, approached the 
coffin and each kissed the hands and forehead of their late 
sire, the Emperor especially being deeply moved and bending 
several times over the body. He then folded the imperial 
mantle of gold and ermine into the coffin, and eight generals 
brought forward the lid with the late Emperor's sword and 
helmet upon it. When the lid had been properly fastened, 
the Emperor, the grand dukes, and the foreign princes raised 
the coffin from the catafalque and bore it to the grave, only 
a few yards to the left and next the tomb of the late 
Empress. 

As the remains were gradually lowered into the grave, the 
cannon of the fortress and the field artillery in the courtyard 
suddenly broke the solemn stillness by a deafening volley, 
repeated six times, the intervals being filled up by the rolling 
fire of musketry. During these martial honors, the members 
of the imperial family, the foreign princes, and other special 
representatives of courts, and the Diplomatic Corps filed past 
the open grave, and each of us, according to the Russian cus- 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 191 

torn, threw in a little sand and a few flowers, and then passed 
out of the cathedral, leaving the once mighty autocrat and 
the great emancipator, "after hfe's fitful fever," to sleep 
quietly with his fathers. 

The Cathedral of St. Peter and St. Paul is the mausoleum 
in which are buried the remains of Peter the Great and his 
successors, and in it are placed the keys, standards, shields, 
and battle-axes, the trophies of Russian arms in the wars 
against the Swedes, Turks, Asiatic States, Poles, and French. 
It is situated upon the island where Peter lived while he was 
building his capital ; it was erected under his direction, and 
is especially conspicuous among the many churches of the 
city for its graceful and gilded needle-like spire which rises 
three hundred and seventy-one feet above the Neva. It 
stands within the walls of the famous fortress-prison where 
for two centuries the state offenders have been incarcerated. 
In one of its dreary casemates Alexis, the oldest son of Peter 
the Great, was confined and met his sudden death. Here the 
conspirators of 1825 were kept, and in the time of Alexander 
II many of those who plotted against his life and his govern- 
ment were shut up to await a lingering death. Over it more 
than over any other imperial dungeon has there rested a veil 
of mystery and silence. 

The Government and people have done much to keep fresh 
and green the memory of their martyr Emperor. The most 
conspicuous evidence is the imposing Memorial Church of the 
Resurrection, erected over the spot where he fell mortally 
wounded, with its group of cupolas of blue and green and 
white and gold, erected by the contributions of the people of 
the Empire and the imperial family. In it even the paving- 
stones which were stained with his blood are carefully 
preserved. 

The private apartment which he occupied in the Winter 
Palace is also kept with great care just as he left it. There 
in the recess is the narrow iron bed upon which he slept and 



192 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

to which he was brought mangled and bleeding to breathe out 
the last spark of life. The half-smoked cigarette which he 
laid on the ash-tray when he went out on that fatal Sunday 
morning is carefully covered by a glass globe. His small 
ivory-handled revolver which he carried in his pocket that 
day is lying on the table. The toilet articles, half -worn, are as 
he left them. The books on the library shelves, more or less 
used, show his taste in reading. At the foot of the camp-bed 
hangs the portrait of a little daughter who died in infancy, 
and the last clothes she wore, which he always kept in view, 
still lie there neatly folded, a touching revelation of his 
tender affection. The general aspect of the room shows 
how simply the mighty monarch lived. 

To complete the narrative of this awful tragedy I cannot 
do better than reproduce a private letter which I wrote to 
Secretary Blaine, giving my impressions at the time. It bears 
date March 21, 1881, and is as follows: — 

/ I have kept and shall continue to keep the Department 
fully advised of all that relates to the assassination of the 
Emperor, so far as it has official or public interest. But I 
have thought you might be interested in some details and 
comments, which I do not choose to put on record or in 
official form, on an event which must be one of the most 
memorable of the country. 

On yesterday I participated with the Diplomatic Corps in 
the pageant and religious ceremony of the transfer of the 
late Emperor's body from the Winter Palace to the fortress 
cathedral, where he is to lie in state until finally interred 
next Sunday, the 27th. I had when I came here, in common 
with most Americans, a high regard for Alexander II as the 
Czar Emancipator and Reformer, and my personal contact 
with him has strengthened this sentiment and impressed 
upon me his great kindliness of heart and frankness of char- 
acter. He cherished an unmistakable friendship for the 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 193 

United States, and never failed to refer to it in his interviews. 
The last time I conversed with him, after inquiring in some 
detail as to how I was occupying my time and how I was 
pleased with my residence in Russia, referring to the two 
nations, he said, in parting, "Let us hope that our old friend- 
ship may long continue." 

With this high estimate of the ruler and attachment to the 
man, I have been surprised at the apparently comparative 
indifference with which his assassination has been received. 
Contrasted with the thrill of horror, indignation, and sym- 
pathy which ran through our country when Lincoln fell, the 
outward manifestation in this city amounts to nothing. A 
short time after I had sent you my telegram announcing the 
Emperor's death, I took my customary afternoon walk 
around the Winter Palace and along some of the most fre- 
quented streets of the city. Before the palace in the immense 
square were gathered in squads a few thousand people and 
rather more than the Sunday afternoon throng on the streets, 
but there appeared a general feeling of indifference and very 
Httle emotion. You might have thought the crowds were 
waiting to see some of the imperial family or a regiment of 
soldiers pass, rather than gathered to mourn over their mur- 
dered Emperor. In the crowds I saw an occasional old woman 
wipe away a stray tear, but more often quiet laughter and 
commonplace joking, as is usual in ordinary assemblages of 
the middle or lower classes. The same impression has been 
made upon most observing foreigners. There has been deep 
sorrow doubtless, but not to the extent that would have been 
expected. 

The ceremony yesterday was quite a pageant, but there 
was very little of the air of oppressive grief. In the cathedral, 
where we spent two hours awaiting the arrival of the corpse 
and the imperial family, everything was done in the most 
matter-of-fact manner, and with little more gravity than in 
the preparations for a reception in the palace. 



194 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

This is due in part to the strict pohce and mihtary sur- 
veillance and the spirit of popular repression which has 
reigned here for the past few years. The whole course of the 
long procession yesterday was lined by a double column of 
soldiers ; on the route of the march no window was allowed 
to be opened or balcony occupied; and in the cathedral a 
circle of soldiers, fully armed and with fixed bayonets, en- 
closed and shut off the imperial household and the diplomatic 
corps from the rest of the assembly, all of whom were officials 
and they only admitted by card. 

It is sadly apparent that Alexander II, who I think will 
be recorded in history as, not the greatest but the best of 
Russia's rulers, had lost in popularity and public esteem. I 
find two reasons for this state of public sentiment — the one 
political and the other domestic. He entered upon his reign 
with earnest liberal intentions, as was shown in the judicial 
reforms, the beginning of the reorganization of the corrupt 
administration of government, and the emancipation of the 
serfs. But the attempts upon his life which began fifteen 
years ago somewhat soured his temper, and the herculean 
task of reforming the bureaucracy discouraged and wearied 
him, and of late years he almost abandoned the latter task, 
and recoiled from and in large measure gave up the liberal 
work of the earlier years of his reign. 

But he could not change or curb the spirit of reform and 
progress which these measures had encouraged and created, 
and it was natural that his course should occasion a deep 
disappointment. I do not think the Nihilist movement em- 
braces a very numerous party, nor are their violent measures 
approved by any considerable portion of the nation, but it is 
one of the outgrowths of autocracy, and it cannot be stamped 
out while such a system of government continues. 

There is, on the other hand, a strong undercurrent of sen- 
timent in the middle and upper classes in favor of some form 
of representative government, and of placing Russia along- 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 195 

side of the rest of Europe and more in harmony with the 
pohtics of the present century. Regarding the autocratic 
Czar as the personal impediment to this reahzation, his re- 
moval by violent means, while not approved, does not 
awaken that outburst of indignation and sympathy which 
the assassination of a representative ruler ordinarily 
would. 

The other fact, which has undoubtedly tempered the grief 
of the people in this terrible event, has been the well-known 
domestic relations which have been maintained in the late 
Emperor's household. The Russians may not be overly nice 
in their personal observance of the marital vows, but the 
treatment received by the slowly-dying Empress, a woman 
of most unexceptionable private life and kindliness of nature, 
the keeping of his mistress in the palace at such a time and 
his early marriage to her after the death of the Empress, and 
the troubles in the imperial family as a consequence — these 
matters have been the topic of conversation in all circles, 
and have had an unmistakable influence in altering the 
high public esteem in which the late Emperor was held. 

The great question now here and elsewhere in Europe is 
how the accession of Alexander III may affect internal and 
foreign affairs. It is a question which I think need give us no 
concern, I am satisfied the new Emperor heartily partakes of 
the friendship of the nation for our country. Not long ago, 
when I had the honor of a private audience of him and 
the Empress, while he was yet Czarevitch, he spoke in kindly 
terms of us and made particular inquiries in regard to (the 
then) President-elect Garfield; so that I fortunately had a 
more unrestrained opportunity than I can have, now that he 
has become Emperor, to make him somewhat acquainted 
with the head of our Government. 

He is a great Russian, and will seek in internal affairs to 
exalt his race characteristics and institutions. For instance, 
while the late Emperor almost always spoke French in his 



196 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

family and among his intimates, the present Emperor has 
insisted upon the use of the Russian language in not only 
family, but in social and official circles. ... He is credited 
with a fair degree of intellectual capacity, coupled with a 
certain fixedness of character sometimes styled stubbornness, 
and it is fair to predict that he will play an important role 
in national history and European politics, unless the con- 
spirators shorten his reign, which it is understood they 
threaten to do if his course does not please them. 

This letter, written in the midst of the exciting scenes 
which it describes, does not give an entirely correct view of 
the character and services of Alexander II. I was then stand- 
ing too near to the subject and saw in a somewhat garish light 
his frailties and mistakes. The men who lived in the time of 
Abraham Lincoln and were associated with him did not 
realize then as to-day they and the new generations do his 
majestic character. Alexander was amiable, easy-going, and 
wanting in tenacity of purpose. Those characteristics led his 
father, the stout Nicholas, to say of him, "My son Sasha is 
a haba [old woman] ; there will be nothing great done in his 
time." But this very tenderness of heart was one of the 
controlling influences which led him to the grandest act ever 
done by a Russian ruler and one of the grandest in the annals 
of time. 

The act which in the judgment of mankind most ennobles 
Lincoln and entitles him to immortal fame was the emanci- 
pation of the slaves during our Civil War. Yet compare it 
with Alexander's great act of emancipation. Lincoln pro- 
claimed freedom to four millions of human beings held in 
bondage by his enemies in arms, and, as a military necessity, 
to break the power of his country's foes, Alexander, in a 
time of profound peace and by his own unconstrained free 
will, gave freedom to twenty-three millions of slaves, held in 
bondage by his own family and the nobility, who were his 



THE ASSASSINATION OF ALEXANDER II 197 

most devoted supporters, and made these freedmen the 
owners of the soil they tilled. 

Aside from this unparalleled deed of humanity, Alexander 
II must be regarded as the most progressive and liberal 
ruler that ever sat upon the Russian throne. It is true he 
halted in his great work of reform, largely influenced by the 
almost insurmountable difficulties which he encountered, 
and partly by the persistent attempts upon his life, but some 
of his reform measures became permanent, and in his reign 
his country made greater advance in intelligence and ma- 
terial well-being than under any of his predecessors. Had 
his successors on the throne been wise enough to have 
adopted his policy and carried to perfection the measures 
inaugurated by him, that great empire would have been 
saved much of the humiliation which it has been forced to 
undergo and the turmoil and disorders through which it 
has had to pass in later years. 



CHAPTER XVI 

RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 

On the same afternoon that Alexander II died, his son the 
Czarevitch assumed the supreme power of the Empire as 
Alexander III, and his proclamation of accession to the 
throne was published the next morning. After announcing 
the death of his father by "the sacrilegious hand of assas- 
sins," the proclamation said: — 

Bowing before the mysterious decrees of Divine Provi- 
dence, and raising to the All-Powerful our prayers for the 
pure soul of our deceased father, we ascend the throne of 
our ancestors, the throne of the Empire of Russia. . . . 

We assume the heavy burden which it has pleased the 
Lord to impose upon us with an immovable confidence in 
His all-powerful aid. May he bless our labors for the good 
of our dear country and direct our efforts for the happiness 
of our faithful subjects. 

After the repeated attempts upon his life, Alexander II 
in 1880 appointed General Loris Melikoff Minister of the 
Interior, and conferred upon him dictatorial powers in the 
internal affairs of the Empire. These powers he had exer- 
cised with rare good judgment and in such a liberal spirit 
that he had gained in large measure the public confidence 
and support. It is an accepted fact that Melikoff had pre- 
pared a new measure of reform for the Empire which has 
been erroneously styled a constitution. Its chief provisions 
enlarged the scope of the provincial representative assem- 
blies, or zemstva, which had been created early in Alexander's 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 199 

reign, granting them greater powers of taxation for local 
improvements, and giving them in other respects authority 
to act independent of the Central Government. 

The result of the operation of this proposed reform would 
have been to put Russia in the path leading eventually to 
a constitutional and representative government. Melikoff 
found in the Emperor's morganatic wife a strong supporter 
of his scheme, as she was credited with liberal ideas and was 
wise enough to see that such a policy was the best method 
of protecting her husband from the hand of the assassin. 
Alexander II had been won over to the measure, and it is 
said that the ukase which was to give it effect had been 
drafted and was laid upon his table for signature on the 
very morning of his death. So fully was the pubHc satisfied 
that it was the purpose of the late Czar to carry out this re- 
form that the press of St. Petersburg immediately after his 
death was almost unanimous in the demand that measures 
looking towards a representative government be adopted 
by the new Czar. 

Seldom has the work of the political assassin promoted 
the good of the people. WTien the dagger of Ravaillac 
struck down Henry IV, it removed the most enlightened 
and liberal ruler of France just as he was entering upon 
a career of great usefulness. Booth's pistol ended Lincoln's 
life at a time when he could have best served the people 
of the South. The bomb of the conspirators in St. Peters- 
burg, who claimed to be laboring for the freedom of Russia, 
stayed the work of reform and threw the country into a long 
period of reaction. 

Alexander III, as Czarevitch, was understood to have 
disapproved of the repressive measures of the latter part 
of his father's reign, and the hope was cherished that he 
would be governed by the conciliatory policy of Melikoff. 
But the cruel assassination of his father worked strongly 
upon his austere mind and brought about a revulsion in 



200 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

his feelings, which resulted in the adoption of a policy of 
reaction. The influence which contributed most to bring 
about this change was that of his tutor, M. Pobiedonostseff, 
the Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod and the political 
head of the Established Greek Church. He soon gained 
complete ascendency over the new Emperor, which con- 
tinued throughout his reign. His political ideal was a na- 
tion containing one nationality, one language, one religion, 
and one form of administration; and he sought to inject 
these ideas into the new Government. 

Within a few weeks after the change of rulers Loris Meli- 
koff retired from office and Count Ignatieff was called to 
his place. These two men for a number of years were the 
conspicuous figures in Russian affairs, and each for a time 
ruled the destinies of his country. I had occasion to visit 
each of them a number of times on business and was also 
brought in contact with them socially. Both of them pos- 
sessed a singular fascination of manner which in large part 
explains the friendship and confidence which they so com- 
pletely won from their sovereigns. Melikoff was born at 
Tiflis and belonged to that keen and wily race, the Arme- 
nian. He was a soldier by profession and won great distinc- 
tion and rendered valuable service in the field, before he was 
called to bear the burdens of the Empire. His policy in that 
capacity was such that he drew from the Nihilists the title 
of ''the enlightened despot." 

Ignatieff, although he bore the title of general, had seen 
little real military service, and he attained his chief distinc- 
tion in diplomacy. His first important achievement was at 
Peking. He knew how to profit by the Anglo-French war 
against China of 1858-60, and in the distress of the Chinese 
he added by his celebrated treaty a region to the Russian 
dominions the size of Spain and gained a new port on the 
Pacific. It was Ignatieff v/hose good offices our Government 
sought to aid our Minister, Mr. Ward, at that time in Peking 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 201 

fruitlessly arguing against the kowtow. His second diplo- 
matic feat was as Ambassador at Constantinople, where he 
was successful, against the judgment of the Emperor and 
Gortchakoff, in precipitating the Turkish war, and in ne- 
gotiating the treaty of San Stefano. But that work was 
undone by the Conference of Berlin, and, for a time in dis- 
grace, he went into retirement. "I am going into my 
shell," he told his friends, "but you will hear of me when 
the Czarevitch comes to the throne," and his prediction 
was realized. 

As a diplomatist he gained both distinction and notori- 
ety. His service as such was largely among the Orientals. 
At Constantinople he succeeded in outwitting them in their 
craft, and they complimented him with the title of "The 
Father of Lies." Bismarck, who was largely instrumental 
in his overthrow at the Berlin Conference, is credited with 
the remark respecting him: "The report goes that he told 
the truth once in his life, but I have never heard him do so." 
As Chancellor of the Empire his policy was reactionary, 
but his shifty ways and duplicity made his term of service 
of short duration, and he was forced to give place to even 
more aggressive partisans. 

In the United States the death of a President or a change 
in the chief magistracy is not notified to other Governments, 
as the rule of the people is held to be continuous, but the 
practice is different in the monarchical countries of Europi?^^ 
On the death of Alexander II and the accession of his son' 
to the throne special ambassadors were dispatched to the; 
leading capitals of that continent to make known the fact, 
and official dispatches to that end were sent by mail to all 
the Governments having diplomatic relations with Russia, 
It also became necessary for all resident ambassadors and 
ministers to procure letters of credence to the newi 
monarch. | 

Wlien I received my new credentials from President Gar- \ 



202 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

field, the Emperor had gone to one of his country palaces, 
Gatchina, twenty-eight miles from St. Petersburg on the 
railway to Berlin, and I went to that place to present them. 
A letter dated at St. Petersburg May 19, 1881, which I wrote 
to my wife, then in Paris, gives the details of that visit, 
which I reproduce : — 

I am back from Gatchina after my audience of the Em- 
peror. It was quite an affair. At the railway station I was 
shown into the imperial waiting-rooms, where were also 
the Persian Prince and his suite, who had been sent by 
the Shah to congratulate the Emperor on his accession to the 
throne; a Montenegrin delegation of ten officials, dressed 
in brigand-looking uniforms, very showy and each carrying 
a regular arsenal of sword, daggers, and two or three pis- 
tols; the Marquis R taking his leave, and the new 

Spanish Minister presenting his credentials ; two or three 
members of the Cabinet, General Loris Melikoff, who has 
just resigned, the Masters of Ceremonies, and other officials 
of the Court. 

We were taken to Gatchina in a train of imperial cars, 
the Spanish Ministers and myself occupying one. On 
arrival at the Gatchina Station we were driven in court car- 
riages to the palace and shown to our apartments. Mine 
was a large parlor and bedroom fitted up in summer style. 
After near an hour's rest and waiting, a part of which I spent 
in the parlor of the Spanish Ministers near by, the Master 
of Ceremonies announced that the hour had arrived for the 
presentations. We were conducted from our part of the pal- 
ace to that of the Emperor in the other extreme, through 
a great number of rooms, halls, and stairways. It is the 
largest of the imperial palaces I have seen, next to the Winter 
Palace, and is said to contain six hundred and eighty-five 
rooms. Some of the halls are quite attractive, but not so 
grand as those we saw at Moscow. One long hall is fitted 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 203 

with Chinese vases, cups, and porcelain of all descriptions, 
the most extensive collection I have seen. 

The Emperor kept us waiting in the antechamber nearly 
an hour. It was a busy day with him, as several of his Cabi- 
net Ministers were out to confer with him. The Persian 
Prince and his suite in gala costume were first received; 
then the Montenegrin delegation, swords, pistols, and all; 
afterwards myself; and last the Spanish Ministers. I had 
quite a talk with the Czar, first delivering my new creden- 
tials, then the special message of sympathy from the Pre- 
sident on the death of his father, and then of congratulation 
on his accession and good wishes for his reign. He spoke 
very kindly of our nation, as was his father's custom. 

I was not so well impressed with him at this interview 
as at the former one when in the Anitchkoff Palace as Czare- 
vitch. I fear Hoffman's [the Secretary of Legation] un- 
favorable estimate of him is not far out of the way. He has 
neither the vivacity of intellect nor the warm-hearted man- 
ner of his father. He labored under some embarrassment 
in the interview, as he spoke English, which he does not use 
very fluently; but he seemed to me heavy. He apologized 
for keeping us waiting and appeared to make an effort to be 
agreeable. 

Afterwards we were all conducted to the apartments of 
the Empress, on the lower floor and in another part of the 
palace, through other suites of rooms, one of the largest of 
which was the children's playroom. At one end of it was 
a small stage for theatricals ; in another part of it billiard- 
tables and other games; some sort of ice-hills; elegantly 
upholstered and cushioned swings, etc. 

We went through the same formalities as with the Em- 
peror, a separate audience for each delegation, or minister, 
those waiting being entertained in the antechamber by the 
Masters of Ceremonies and two ladies of honor, one quite 
elderly and the other a young lady, both speaking English 



204 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

and French. The Empress remembered my former visit 
very well. I found her much changed in spirit. Before, she 
was quite gay and cheerful. Now she looked sad, weary, 
and careworn. In the course of our conversation of less than 
seven minutes, she referred four times to the "terrible af- 
fair," the assassination and its results. Her womanly and 
tender nature evidently feels it more than the phlegmatic 
Emperor. 

Aiter this audience we were all led back through the whole 
series of rooms we had traversed before to our apartments, 
except that Sturmer, Master of Ceremonies (you remember 
him), took the Spanish Ministers and me into some of the 
private rooms of the Empress Catherine II, to see some 
Gobelin tapestries presented to her by Louis XV of France. 

Upon our arrival at the palace at ten a. m. we had been 
served with tea and cakes, but now it was two p. m., and 
naturally, with all this parading through halls and bowing 
to royalty, we had gotten up an appetite. So the Persian 
Prince and his suite and the Montenegrin delegation were 
served their brealdasts separately in their parlors, and I was 
asked to join the Spanish Marquises in their parlor. The 
breakfast or luncheon was nothing extra, not so good as I 
could get at the restaurant for two roubles, barring the 
wine, china, silver-plate, etc. 

There was a menu on the table when we sat down, but I 
noticed it disappeared very soon. As it had an imperial coat 
of arms stamped on it, I thought you would like to have it 
for your collection, so after the breakfast when I went to 
my room I asked Schwarze [the Legation chasseur], as he 
was a friend of some of the servants, if he could get it for 
you. He went out and soon returned with it and I enclose 
it herewith. He told me after we came home that the head 
waiter was quite exercised when he heard of it, saying two 
of the dishes on the menu had not been sent up by the cook, 
and Schwarze adds that the cooks are paid by the courses 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 205 

and number of plates, and they cheat the Emperor's guests 
in this way to make a Uttle extra money ! 

While I am on this subject I will give you a httle more 
of — what shall I call it, scandal or court etiquette? Well, 
Schwarze, who understands these matters pretty well, told 
me the servants would expect some chi money. I told him 
to give them what was right, but he said no, I had better 
give it to them. Probably if they were not liberal fees, they 
might think he (Schwarze) had kept half of it for himself. 
I asked him to whom I should give, as I did not have bills 
enough to go around for the hundreds of servants I had met 
in the halls. So he sent to my room, one at a time, those 
whom I was to chi. First in walked the grand and imposing 
individual with the great plumed and cocked hat, who had 
marched at the head of our procession of princes, marquises, 
and ministers plenipotentiary, conducting us through the 
palace to the Emperor's and Empress's audiences. He took 
a five-rouble note with great graciousness ! Then in came 
the head waiter who, decorated with medals, had superin- 
tended the service of the breakfast ; then some other men, 
I don't know who they were or what they did ; and the man 
who stood at the entrance to my apartment. To these I 
stingily doled out three roubles each. Then the man who 
held my overcoat while I put it on ; the footman who opened 
and shut the carriage-door ; and the coachman — two rou- 
bles each; and I believe I was square with His Imperial 
Majesty's household! 

As my carriage was announced and I went out into the 
hall, I saw the Marquis R , pocketbook in hand, sur- 
rounded by a crowd of servants and apparently "in a peck of 
trouble." He called to me at once, and I found they were 
after their fees, which they thought he was about to depart 
without leaving. He did not bring his servant with him, 
and had not gotten the cue, as I had. He wanted to know 
how much I had paid them. I suppose they had told him 



206 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

of my liberality ! I informed him of the size of my fees and 
hurried away, leaving him in the hands of the hungry sub- 
jects of the Czar. 

You may tell this story to my friend and colleague Phelps 
[William Walter Phelps, en route to his post as Minister at 
Berlin], but you must be careful it don't get back to St. 
Petersburg, as I might have a Catacazy affair on my 
hands. 

As I was about to take my carriage the two young sons 
of the Emperor, the Czarevitch and his brother, rode into 
the courtyard and dismounted. Their tutor, recognizing 
me, brought them up and we shook hands and passed a 
few pleasant words. 

Two famous state trials occurred in St. Petersburg dur- 
ing my mission. The first of these took place in November, 
1880, and embraced the persons charged with the attempts 
upon the life of Alexander II in 1879 and 1880; and the 
second, the trial of those concerned in his assassination, and 
which took place a short time after that event. The accused 
were composed exclusively of the extremely revolutionary 
party known as the Nihilists. Their existence represented 
little more than a wild and desperate revolt against things 
as they then were in the social, moral, and pohtical world. 
Their principles may thus be defined : No more monarchy ; 
no more state religion ; no more landed proprietors, but the 
soil to be free as air, since every one has a right to susten- 
ance; no more armies and administration; kings, soldiers, 
priests, judges, the rich and privileged, are all enemies of 
the commonwealth, and as such are to be resisted and ex- 
terminated; every public functionary hostile to those de- 
signs to be doomed to die. If asked what they expected 
from their violent and subversive movement, they would 
answer: "Society cannot punish. The social state which 
will rise in the place of what we are about to destroy cannot 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 207 

be worse than what exists. Perish, therefore, the Russia of 
the Romanoffs!" 

These trials were pubhc, persons being admitted by card, 
and attracted distinguished audiences of public men, diplo- 
mats, and representatives of the press. They were con- 
ducted wdth dignity, fairness, and patience. WTiere the 
accused were not able to employ counsel, lawyers of stand- 
ing were assigned by the Government to their defense. On 
the first trial five were convicted and sentenced to capital 
punishment; and eleven others were sentenced to labor in 
the mines for life and for different terms. 

The trial developed the fact that the Nihilistic party was 
composed of only a small band of desperate persons reckless 
of their lives, but back of them there was a large body of 
people both in high and low society, discontented with the 
condition of affairs, and who longed for a representative 
government and a reform in the administration. It was felt, 
however, that the punishment of this group of Nihilists 
would paralyze the extreme action of the conspirators. The 
correspondent of the London "Times" voiced the hopes of 
Russian society when, in telegraphing the result of the fu'st 
trial, he wrote that "their present appearance at the bar of 
justice will probably be the last we shall have of the party 
of terror." And yet at that very time the Nihilists were 
planning the assassination of the Emperor, which was ac- 
complished within less than four months. 

In the second trial six persons were found guilty and 
sentenced to capital punishment, four men and two women. 
The prosecutor of the Crow^n was M. Muravieff, wiio in later 
years figured prominently in Russian affairs as Minister 
of Justice. The president of the St. Petersburg Bar was the 
leading counsel for the prisoners. The most noted character 
among the accused was a woman, Sophie Perofsky, of aris- 
tocratic connections, social position, and superior educa- 
tion, the daughter of a senator and former governor of the 



208 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

St. Petersburg province. She imbibed socialistic views and 
for a time devoted herself to relieving distress among the 
people, as a nurse ministering to the sick and caring for 
young children, but she became a convert to the Nihilistic 
doctrines, and from "an angel of peace" she turned to be 
"an angel of death." It was she who stood watch while 
the Moscow railway mine was being constructed, and it was 
said kept a hundred pounds of dynamite under her bed 
ready to explode and blow herself and associates into eter- 
nity if detected. It was she who w'aved her handkerchief 
as a signal when the wrong train was blown up. More suc- 
cessful was she when a second time she waved her hand- 
kerchief at the Catherine Canal in St. Petersburg to the 
holder of the bomb which ended the reign of the hunted 
Autocrat of the Russias. 

She was small of stature, with an intellectual face, modest 
in appearance, and neat in dress. But when she was called 
upon by the court to speak in her own behalf, she was bold, 
even audacious, and candid. She made no effort to conceal 
her opinions or her conduct; she avowed herself a Nihilist 
and gloried in it ; admitted her participation in the assassina- 
tion ; and asked to be dealt with regardless of her sex. The 
other woman conspirator was a Hebrew girl of education, 
who had also taken part in the Moscow mine explosion. 

After the trial M. de Giers asked me about the details 
of the trial and execution of Mrs. Surratt for comphcity in 
the assassination of President Lincoln, and as to the prac- 
tice in the United States respecting the punishment of 
women convicted of capital crimes. He made the inquiry, 
he said, because there was a pressure being brought to bear 
on the Emperor to commute the sentences of the tw^o 
w^omen. After the execution Baron Jomini of the Foreign 
Office told me that in hanging the women they "had fol- 
lowed the example of the United States in the case of Mrs. 
Surratt." I did not fail to tell both him and M. de Giers that 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 209 

a large part of the people of our country condemned that 
execution. , 

The Nihilistic movement developed a striking character- \ 
istic of the Russian people — the intellectual superiority / 
and the heroic courage of their women. Two of their greatest 
sovereigns were Ehzabeth and Catherine II. I have men- 
tioned two Russian females, celebrated in politics and 
diplomacy, brought under my observation. Classed with 
Sophie Perofsky as Nihilist martjTS were two others who', 
before my time had gained notoriety. The earlier of these, 
Sophie Bardin, a young lady of noble birth, was arrested 
and sent to a Siberian prison for disseminating the doctrines 
of her party. Her eloquent address to the court, which wasi 
printed and sold in St. Petersburg by the thousands, closed \ 
with prophetic words which have had their fulfillment in J 
later years: "The association will avenge me, and its venge- \ 
ance will be terrible. Let your hangman and judges mas- 
sacre and destroy us now, during the time that force is still 
on your side. We set against you our moral might, and that/ 
will triumph. Progress, Liberty, Equality fight for us, and' 
through these ideas no bayonet can thrust." 

Still more famous was Vera Sassolitch. Thrown into jail 
at seventeen because she was the friend of the sister of a 
well-known Nihilist, where she remained two years without 
a trial, she was thus driven into the ranks of the conspirators. 
With great daring she shot a Russian general for his cruel- 
ties. His punishment was so deserved that when she pleaded 
guilty in the court, the jury acquitted her. She was ap- 
plauded by almost every paper in St. Petersburg, and wel- 
comed in Geneva and Paris by the revolutionary refugees 
as a heroine. Since that time many female revolutionists 
have followed the example of these martyrs to their cause. 

These instances give some indication of the intellectual 
and political activity of Russian women. In this connection 
it may be remarked that in no country of Europe is woman 



210 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

better protected in her rights or has more avenues of use- 
fulness open to her. The Empress EHzabeth more than a 
hundred years ago conferred upon her absolute equality of 
civil rights with man. Marriage deprives no woman of her 
property. Married women can receive legacies, bequeath 
property, and deal with their estate in all respects as if they 
were unmarried. Not the least of the acts of the illustrious 
reign of Alexander II was the opening of the universities 
and professions to them. A French writer, who has given 
much attention to the study of Russian affairs, says: "For 
intelligence and resolution, as well as for education and the 
rank she holds in the family, the Russian woman is already 
the equal of the man. In mind and character she possesses 
so much strength and energy that, without losing either 
her grace or her charms, she exercises often a singular and 
irresistible ascendancy." 

One of the most interesting of my experiences during the 
impressive ceremonies attending the murdered Czar's funeral 
was the visit to examine the offerings which had been sent 
from all parts of his Empire and from all the crowned heads 
and royal families of Europe, and placed on and about his bier 
as he lay in state in the fortress cathedral. Amid the costly 
mementoes of sovereigns and the magnificent votive memo- 
rials of his subjects, there was seen a simple silver wreath 
with the inscription upon it, ''To the Czar Civilizer,'' which 
with grateful hands and sorrowful hearts had been borne 
by a deputation of thirty female physicians. It will enhance 
our estimate of the great work of humanity which Alexan- 
der II did for his people when I add that under his reign 
women were first permitted to practice the healing art m 
Europe. Their efficiency and usefulness were first showii 
in the war with Turkey, and female nurses went to far-off 
Manchuria to care for the sick and wounded in the war with 
Japan. During my mission the world was thrilled with ad- 
miration at the announcement, in the newspaper account of 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 211 

the advance of the Russian forces in the Turcoman desert 
that the Countess Milutine, daughter of a Cabinet Minister, 
a member of a Red Cross Society, had been severely wounded 
in the storming of Gheok Tepe in the front rank of the 
army. 

WTien I passed through London on my way to Russia I 
met in St. James's Palace the Persian Minister to Great 
Britain, who expressed to me the desire that our Govern- 
ment would send a representative to his country. I have 
referred to the presence in St. Petersburg of an Ambassador 
Extraordinary of the Shah of Persia to congratulate Alex- 
ander III on his accession to the throne. This dignitary bore 
the title of His Highness Siepehsalar-Azam-Hadji-Mirza- 
Houssein-Kahn, and was a person of intelligence and im- 
portance in his own country. Reciprocating a visit which 
had been made to the Legation, I called upon him, and in 
the course of the conversation the Prince expressed regret 
that the United States did not maintain official relations 
with Persia, notwithstanding a treaty of friendship and 
commerce existed contemplating such relations. He said 
that American ships visited the Persian ports and that there 
were American citizens residing in the country. He added 
that the most of the latter were missionaries, with whom 
he had been brought into intimate relations, as he had been 
appointed not long before to investigate charges preferred 
against them, which he found to be without foundation, 
and that they were worthy people. I reported at some 
length to the Department of State this conversation, and 
gave an account of the condition of that country. This re- 
port was sent to Congress and, I was informed, had an im- 
portant influence in the creation of a permanent diplomatic 
mission in Persia. 

In the letter to my wife, from which I have already made 
copious extracts, there is the following paragraph: ''The 
old Prince Oldenburg is dead, and we have to go to the fun- 



212 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

era! to-morrow in full uniform, and have another two hours' 
service in the cathedral. What a large experience I am hav- 
ing in the funeral business !" Only a few months before we 
had attended a brilliant reception and ball given in his 
palace, and the Prince, although advanced in years and 
feeble, received his guests in person and was showered with 
congratulations, for he was probably the most popular and 
highly esteemed of all the imperial family. He was pos- 
sessed of great wealth and used it freely for the benefit of 
the common people in the maintenance of schools, hospi- 
tals, and other charities. The present Prince Oldenburg has 
followed in his father's footsteps and has enlarged his char- 
ities. In the Oldenburg Institute more than two thousand 
boys and girls are taught trades and receive a technical 
education, more than half of them being furnished with 
board and lodging, all at the expense of the Prince. He has 
also established a sort of people's palace, after the one or- 
ganized by Sir Walter Besant in London, where the poor 
can obtain for a nominal price food and non-alcoholic drinks, 
as well as theatrical and musical entertainment. 

After the close of the Russo-Japanese War the Prince and 
Princess were participants in a very melancholy and start- 
ling scene on the occasion of the inauguration of a School 
of Experimental Medicine, endowed by the Prince's muni- 
ficence. During the exercises General von Launitz was 
shot by a terrorist, while standing close to the Prince. The 
Princess believed that it was her husband who had been 
murdered, and she fell in a swoon from which she never re- 
covered. We hear much of the profligacy and extravagance 
of the high society of Russia, and it is gratifying to note the 
humane and liberal acts of this member of the imperial 
family, and to add that there are many others of the nobil- 
ity and wealthy in the Empire who devote much of their 
time and fortunes to the improvement of the condition of 
their countrymen. 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 213 

During the summer of 1881 I had planned a trip down 
the Volga River and into the Caucasus, but just as I was 
about to set out upon the journey the terrible news of the 
attempt upon the life of President Garfield on July 2 reached 
me. During the first weeks of anxiety and surprise, with 
our President lying between life and death, I did not feel 
justified in leaving the Capital, and the visit to the interior 
of the Empire had to be abandoned. It was a sad coinci- 
dence that during my comparatively brief residence in St. 
Petersburg, the head of the state in both countries should 
be stricken down by the hands of assassins. 

In August, 1881, I left the Capital, under a leave of ab- 
sence, and made a visit to the United States, which proved 
my farewell to Russia. After reaching home I came to the 
conclusion that the interests of my family and due considera- 
tion for my own future demanded my retirement from office. 
I had been continuously in the Diplomatic Service for nearly 
nine years. They had proved very interesting and instruct- 
ive and I had reason to be satisfied with my labors. But 
under our system of government I could not hope to make 
the Diplomatic Service a life career. I was giving to the 
Government the best years of my life, and I thought it bet- 
ter to choose my own time for retirement than to have it 
determined by a change of administration. 

I had a growing family and I preferred to give them an 
education in our own country rather than abroad. Financial 
considerations also influenced my determination. Before 
entering the Service I had not accumulated a competency, 
and the salary received from the Government required me 
to exercise economy in office. I did not consider it either 
prudent or honest to adopt a style of living beyond my in- 
come. I do not advocate large salaries for our diplomatic 
representatives, but permanent houses should be provided 
for them, and there should be such a moderate increase in 
their salaries as would justify men of talents without for- 



214 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS \ 

tunes entering the Service. Lavish display is not becoming 
in the representatives of a democratic government, but they , 
should be enabled to live comfortably and in becoming style / 
without drawing upon their private means or credit. ./ 

Having decided to resume my residence in the United 
States and give attention to the practice of my profession, 
I accordingly tendered my resignation on November 1, 
1881. Secretary Blaine, immediately after my return, had 
assured me that it was the wish of both the President and 
himself that I should remain in the Service either at St. 
Petersburg or some other post, but I adhered to my desire 
to retire. The Secretary in accepting my resignation wrote 
me as follows : — 

The reluctance which the Government naturally feels 
to sever its relations with a valued officer whose zeal and 
usefulness have been so signally shown in high spheres of 
duty, joined to the regret which I personally feel on losing 
your trusted cooperation in carrying out abroad the policy 
of the Department, would counsel the non-acceptance of 
your resignation, were it not that I am convinced that the 
step you take, in obedience to the dictates of private inter- 
ests, is positive and final on your part. 

I therefore accept, in the name of the President, the resig- 
nation you now tender. In doing so, permit me to express 
the deep sense of satisfaction with which the Department 
looks back on its relations with you, and the unvarying 
approbation which your official actions have received at its 
hands during your incumbency of the responsible missions 
intrusted to you, and to add the regret now felt that you 
can no longer continue your useful work. 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

James G. Blaine. 

Russia has not proved such an attractive place for Ameri- 



RUSSIA UNDER ALEXANDER III 215 

can representatives as to lead many of them to make a long 
residence there. The cause for this is mainly the climate. 
The long nights of winter and the long days of summer are 
both found to be wearisome. The fii'st or second winter, 
with its gay society, brilliant receptions and balls, and its 
outdoor sports proves quite enjoyable; but in time the rigor 
of the climate becomes unwelcome to the people of warmer 
latitudes. 

Nearly a hundred years ago our Minister, the noted 
lawyer, William Pinkney, wrote that everybody was so kind 
to them that they almost forgot that the climate did not 
suit them. We are impressed with the stubborn resolution 
which led Peter the Great to build his magnificent capital 
in a swamp on the sixtieth degree of latitude north, but we 
sympathize with the Russians who long for the day when 
European politics will allow the occupation of Constantinople, 
which will prove a more pleasant "window" from which to 
look out upon the world. Notwithstanding the climate, we 
found our residence in St. Petersburg very enjoyable, and 
we left it with the most pleasant memories of our inter- 
course with its people. 



( 



CHAPTER XVII 

MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 

Sixteen years after the close of my first mission to Russia, 
I was intrusted by President McKinley with a second mis- 
sion to the Government of that empire. Although it breaks 
the continuity of this narrative, and is chronologically out 
of place, I have thought it better to complete in this order 
my connection with Russian affairs. 

My second mission grew out of the controversy with Great 
Britain over the protection of the fur-seals in Bering Sea. 
As that question will be made the subject of a subsequent 
chapter, I reserve an account of the official acts of this mis- 
sion to that chapter, and confine the narrative at this time 
to my social and personal experiences. In view of the fact 
that in discharge of my duties, I should be brought in con- 
tact with the ambassadors of Russia and Great Britain and 
of the secretaries for foreign affairs of both governments, 
I was commissioned an "Ambassador Extraordinary and 
Plenipotentiary," and intrusted with credential letters ad- 
dressed to the Queen of Great Britain and the Emperor of 
Russia. 

I sailed from New York on May 19, 1897, accompanied 
by Mrs. Foster. A short time before sailing I received a 
telegram, sent from Vancouver, from Chang Yen Hoon, an- 
nouncing his arrival in that city, en route to London, and 
asking that arrangements be made for us to cross the At- 
lantic on the same steamer. He had been the Chinese Min- 
ister in Washington for four years, from 1886 to 1890, when 
I acted as counsel for his legation, and I was again brought 
into close association with him in 1895, when I went to 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 217 

Japan and China to aid him as one of the peace commis- 
sioners to terminate the war between those countries. For 
a number of years he was a Minister of the Foreign Office at 
Peking, and was now on his way to London as the Special 
Ambassador of the Emperor to Queen Victoria's Jubilee. 

He was travehng, as is the custom of the Orientals, in 
great state, with a numerous retinue of secretaries, officials, 
and servants, and they attracted great attention on the 
steamer. His chief secretary had been educated in the 
United States, had filled a number of important posts, and 
later as Sir Chentung Liang Cheng filled the place of Minis- 
ter to the United States for several years with much useful- 
ness to his Government and credit to himself. The ambassa- 
dor and his suite showed themselves quite friendly to their 
fellow passengers. A young lady just fresh from Vassar 
College inquired of me if they were intelligent, seemingly 
regarding them as semi-barbarians, I introduced her to one 
of the junior secretaries, the son of Marquis Tseng, my col- 
league at St. Petersburg. After long conversations with him, 
she came to me in perfect amazement. She had never met 
such an intelligent young man. Why, she found him much 
better versed in classic English literature than herself, and 
he had all our great poets on his tongue's end ! 

We made only a short stay in London, as I was desirous 
of reaching St. Petersburg before the official vacation and 
the summer hegira from St. Petersburg began. Every one 
was absorbed in the coming Diamond Jubilee of Queen Vic- 
toria and the festivities were just beginning. Among these 
entertainments, we were bidden to, what the Lord Cham- 
berlain styled in his invitation, "An Evening Party," at 
Buckingham Palace, which was a full-dress state concert, 
presided over for the Queen by the (then) Prince and Prin- 
cess of Wales. All the high dignitaries were in attendance, 
and conspicuous in the front row of the duchesses sat the 
young Duchess of Marlborough {nee Vanderbilt) ablaze with 



218 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

jewels, her diamond tiara apparently too heavy for her slight 
form, she all unconscious of the sorrows in store for her. 

A supper followed, during which Mrs. Foster was honored 
with a presentation to the Princess Alexandra; and the 
Prince of Wales (Edward VII), to whom I had been pre- 
sented on a previous visit, held quite a conversation with 
me, inquiring about the object of my mission, affairs in the 
United States, etc. He impressed me as a man of only fair 
ability, not greatly oppressed with the cares of state, but 
not likely to do any imprudent acts as sovereign. 

En route to St. Petersburg we stopped over two days at 
Berlin. Ambassador Uhl, who was just retiring with the 
out-going Cleveland Administration, was kind and attent- 
ive and made our brief stay very pleasant. Our attendance 
at the German opera impressed us with two things — first, the 
great devotion of the Germans to music, — they attend the 
opera to enjoy the music, not for social gayety, and they 
give it their undivided attention; second, the early hours 
they keep — the opera began at seven o'clock, and we were 
back at our hotel before eleven. 

We were fortunate in being able to attend a great mili- 
tary review for which Germany is so famous. Ambassador 
Uhl securing for our carriage a place in the ambassadorial 
line near to the imperial headquarters. Both the Emperor 
William and the Empress were mounted and were active 
during the review. The Empress wore a white cloth dress, 
with a military hat, and made an attractive appearance 
on horseback. The Emperor appeared small of stature, but 
carried himself well and showed a soldierly bearing. We 
recalled the fact that we last saw his father the Emperor 
Frederick, when as Crown Prince he reviewed the Spanish 
troops at Madrid fourteen years before. 

We noticed a great improvement in the railway service 
since our first journey to St. Petersburg. A train is taken at 
Calais, with comfortable sleeping-cars and a well-appointed 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 219' 

dining-car, which runs without change to the Russian fron- 
tier. There a transfer to another train is made necessary by 
the difference in gauge of the Russian railways. The only 
merit of this system of gauge is a military one, as it would 
prevent the use of the Russian roads by their western neigh- 
bors in time of war. 

The ride from the frontier to St. Petersburg presented 
the same features as it did sixteen years earlier. The trains 
moved along at the same deliberate speed, the express rarely 
exceeding twenty miles an hour. There was the same dreary 
expanse of poor lands, birch and fir forests, with occasional 
unattractive towns, till we drew into the station at St. 
Petersburg. Peter the Great's northern capital was little 
changed, except that it had grown considerably in popula- 
tion. The Nevsky Prospect and the other broad avenues 
were even more bustling and gay than formerly. The vast 
Winter Palace wore its accustomed sombre aspect. The 
cathedrals and churches, with their Oriental architecture, 
and their domes and spires glittering in blue and green-and- 
gold, still possessed their charm. The drive through the 
islands park continued to attract the high society, with the 
draw-up at "The Point" to listen to the music of the mili- 
tary bands and to see the sun still high above the waters 
of the Gulf as midnight approached. The "white nights" of 
June, with the full moon added to the panorama, still filled 
the parks as late as ten and eleven o'clock with joyous child- 
ren. It was the same great city which years before had 
proved so strange and attractive to us. 

The intervening years had brought a complete change in 
the official personnel of the Government. A new czar was 
ruling the nation. My friend Prince Lieven had given place 
as Grand Master of Ceremonies to Prince Dolgorouki. In 
the Foreign Office where M. de Giers had so often welcomed 
me, I found Count Mouravieff, a member of the great family 
of that name which had done so much for the glory and en- 



220 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

largement of the Empire. He had the reputation of being 
a very clever diplomat, but contrary opinions were enter- 
tained as to his character. Bitter opposition was shown to 
his promotion to the post of Minister of Foreign Aflairs, 
but he had an influential advocate in the person of the 
Dowager Empress, with whom he had formed a warm 
friendship when he for so many years represented his 
country at the court of her father in Copenhagen. He 
received me very kindly, readily took up with me the busi- 
ness of my special mission, and dispatched it with prompt- 
ness and to my entire satisfaction. 

The year following my visit it fell to the lot of Count 
Mouravieff to be a conspicuous participant in one of the 
most important and far-reaching proceedings in modern 
diplomatic history — the convocation by Nicholas II of the 
first Peace Conference at The Hague. The rescript of 
the Emperor was written by the Count. Its statement of the 
blessings of peace, the evil effects of the vast military es- 
tablishments of the Great Powers, and the desirability of the 
limitation of armaments, have never been more eloquently 
or forcefully portrayed. It entitles him to imperishable 
fame as a diplomatist and friend of peace. I was much 
grieved at his untimely death not long afterwards, thus cut- 
ting short a useful public career. 

The Empress Dowager, the Princess Dagmar of Denmark, 
known in Russia by her marital name of Marie Feodorovna, 
has been an important personage in Russian politics both 
during the reign of her husband, Alexander III, and of her 
son Nicholas 11. She bore the name of the popular queen of 
the victorious Valdemar, whose reign Danish history and 
tradition so fondly cherish, and when she left them as the 
bride of the Czarevitch the Danish people testified in the most 
unmistakable manner their great affection for her. In St. 
Petersburg her sweet disposition and grace of manner soon 
made her, of all the members of the imperial family, the 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 221 

favorite with the pubHc. WTien I first went to Russia, four- 
teen years after her marriage, society was still talking of 
the great enthusiasm awakened by her first entrance into 
the Capital. She was not so handsome and stately as her 
sister, Queen Alexandra of England, but she was in some 
respects even more attractive. Her sweet smile, her beauti- 
ful eyes, and the delightful way she had of bowing to the 
public easily won popular favor. 

She was reputed to have sympathized with Alexander III 
in the repressive measures adopted early in his reign. In 
my audience of her soon after that event, as already noticed, 
she showed herself greatly oppressed with the horror of the 
assassination, and it was natural that there should be in her 
tender nature a revulsion of feeling and even a bitterness 
of spirit towards the party whose agents did the foul deed. 
But the general character of her influence in both reigns 
has been beneficent. It could scarcely be otherwise, when 
we remember the careful training she received in the model 
royal family of Denmark. The bluff, soldierly, and some- 
what sinister character of her husband was greatly modified 
by association with her. Possibly she has imparted to her 
son too much of her tender nature, which leads to irresolu- 
tion. He at least does not appear to have inherited much 
of the tenacity of purpose of his great-grandfather and 
namesake Nicholas I. 

Soon after my arrival I was received in special audience 
by the Emperor Nicholas II, to present my credential letter 
from President McKinley, and to discuss with him the ob- 
ject of my mission. As is the custom there on such occasions, 
I was left entirely alone with him. He asked me to be seated, 
and conducted a conversation of unusual length, in which 
he showed a remarkable familiarity with the then somewhat 
intricate question of the protection of the fur-seals of Bering 
Sea. In expressing my surprise afterwards to Count Moura- 
vieff at his intimate knowledge of the subject, the Minister 



222 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

said that when the appointment for the audience was made 
the Emperor asked for full information and that a great 
collection of documents bearing on it had been sent him. 
He remarked that such was his habit as to all matters com- 
ing before him. The Count was disposed to criticise this 
practice, as he said it consumed so much of His Majesty's 
time, which might be more profitably occupied. 

I left the Emperor with a favorable impression of his char- 
acter and ability. He was youthful in appearance for his 
years, he had the kindly look in his eyes which so distin- 
guishes his mother, and he inspired me with his sincerity 
and conscientiousness. He had not then been subjected to 
the supreme test of his ability and character which has come 
upon him during and since the Japanese war. 

We did not see the Empress, as she was at that time with- 
drawn from society. The city was all decorated in anticipa- 
tion of another heir to the throne, and the public in expect- 
ancy. The event was to be announced by the filing of an 
artillery salute, of three hundred and one guns if a boy, and 
one hundred and one if a girl. It occurred during our stay, 
and when the one hundred and one guns were fired there 
was a general feeling of disappointment, it being the second 
daughter brought into the imperial family. 

We found the Empress very unpopular with the Russians. 
She is the granddaughter of Queen Victoria of England, 
has had a strict moral training, and has not readily taken to 
the freer life of St. Petersburg. Her action in causing the 
state balls to be changed from Sunday night, her abhorrence 
of cigarette-smoking by the court ladies, and other of her 
views respecting social affairs have given her the reputation 
of prudishness. She entered Russia for her marriage as Alex- 
ander III lay dying, and she listened to the "De Profundis" 
in place of the wedding-march ; the terrible calamity attend- 
ing the coronation fete soon followed ; the birth in succession 
of girls, with the absence of a male heir to the throne — these 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 223 

and other ill omens have led to the popular belief that she 
was under an unlucky spell. 

Mrs. Breckinridge, the wife of our Minister, who has been 
a good deal in her society, spoke of her to us in the highest 
terms of admiration. She is handsome, tall and graceful, 
with finely finished features and a winning smile ; a woman 
of the widest accomplishments and intellectual gifts; char- 
itable and active in good works ; but with all these traits she 
has failed to win her way into the affections of the Russians. 
The Church party, led by the bigoted M. Pobiedonostseff, say 
that though she joined the Greek Church at her marriage, 
she is still a Protestant, and does not keep an "ikon" in her 
apartments. She is called "the foreigner," and the fact is 
cited that only English is spoken in the imperial family, in 
contrast with the exclusive use of Russian in the family of 
Alexander III. Nevertheless it is quite common to speak 
English an\ong the families of the grand dukes. The saying 
is attributed to the Grand Duchess Helene, daughter of the 
Grand Duke Vladimir, since Princess Nicholas of Greece, 
that she could not remember ever speaking anything but 
English to her father. 

I have mentioned the manner in which diplomatic repre- 
sentatives are transported to their audiences of the Czar 
when he is residing at one of his country palaces. The 
Director of Ceremonies, who accompanied me to Peterhof 
to meet the Emperor, had no other person in charge, and 
devoted himself exclusively to my entertainment, going 
and returning. During this time he told me a number of 
stories, some of which will bear repeating. 

My audience was on June 7, which the Director of Cere- 
monies said was the usual time when the nobility and offi- 
cials took their vacation, going abroad or to their country 
estates or summer homes. But this year very few had gone, 
because another imperial baby was momentarily expected 
and they all awaited its coming, for if they went away they 



224 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

would be called back to the fetes in its honor. If it was a 
boy there would be great feasts, exchanges of dinner-parties 
among the nobility and officials, and other ceremonies of 
rejoicing. 

He spoke of the Emperor's two brothers, the oldest, 
George, being Czarevitch, or heir apparent, although the 
Emperor had then a little daughter, Olga ; but she could not 
ascend the throne so long as there were male heirs, and the 
Emperor's brothers came before his daughters. The youngest 
brother was Michael. George was suffering from a lingering 
disease, and it was thought would not long survive. Michael 
was then nineteen years old, very bright, healthy, and popu- 
lar. It was, he said, a current prophecy or expectation 
among the masses of the people of the Empire that all the 
Empress's children would be girls, and that there would 
be an Emperor Michael — the wish being father to the 
thought. 

The Director repeated another story current among the 
people, to the effect that Alexander III, once out walking 
with his three sons, met an old woman whom he engaged in 
conversation. He noticed that she bowed to the first and 
third sons, but not to the second, and he asked her why she 
so acted. She replied that she only bowed to those who were 
to wear a crown — a story probably invented to confirm 
the popular belief as to Michael. 

Some of the Director's experiences in discharge of his 
official duties, which he related, were quite amusing. WTien 
an ambassador arrives and is presented to the Emperor, 
the audience is granted expressly for the deHvery to the 
Emperor of an autograph letter from the sovereign or head 
of the Government. He said it had happened more than 
once that the representative had forgotten to bring his let- 
ter, so that he makes it a rule to ask the diplomat, when he 
meets him at the railway station, if he has his letter with him. 
(His rule, however, was not invariably observed, as he did 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 225 

not ask me till after the train had started!) Only a few 
months before, he was escorting the Minister of Portugal to 
Tsarskoe-Selo, when lo, and behold! he found he had left 
his letter at his legation, and the train was just starting. 
He could not fail in his appointment, and he had to appear 
before the Emperor to confess that he had forgotten his 
letter. Carl. Schurz, in his reminiscences of the Spanish 
Court, relates how his letter of credence became mislaid, 
and he resorted to the expedient of folding a newspaper, 
inserting it in a huge envelope, and delivering it to Queen 
Isabella II, having, however, advised the Minister of State 
of the innocent fraud. 

Some of the experiences had with the great Chinese Vice- 
roy, Li Hung Chang, on his visit to the coronation in 1896, 
were entertaining. He was expected to arrive at Odessa 
about May 1, but he unexpectedly turned up April 15, not 
taking the steamer that had been provided for him. No 
provision had been made for his entertainment at Moscow, 
where the Viceroy insisted on stopping, and against his 
vehement remonstrance he was brought on to St. Peters- 
burg. The resident Chinese Minister, in his first notice to the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, said his suite would consist 
of fifteen or eighteen persons ; but on his second visit to the 
Foreign Office he fixed it at twenty to twenty-three. From 
time to time he made other visits to the Foreign Office, each 
time increasing the number, until at last, when it reached 
fifty, it became a serious matter, as the Russian Govern- 
ment was to lodge and entertain them. 

AMien Li Hung Chang was to be received by the Emperor, 
he brought with him to the railway station his son, Lord 
Li, to act as his interpreter. He was informed that it was 
a rule of the Court that the Emperor received ambassadors 
alone, and if an interpreter was required he was furnished 
from the Foreign Office. The Viceroy thereupon refused to go 
unless his own interpreter accompanied him. The Director 



226 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

said he had great difficulty in getting him on the train, and 
only on the promise that the matter would be discussed 
and satisfactorily settled by Prince Dolgorouki, Grand 
Master of Ceremonies, whom he would meet at the- palace. 
The question was finally settled by allowing Lord Li to 
interpret his formal speech, and the informal conversation 
was interpreted by the Russian official. Notwithstanding 
these slight misunderstandings, Li Hung Chang must have 
been very considerately dealt with on this visit, as he re- 
turned to his own country ever after a devoted friend of 
Russia. In fact his enemies at home charged him with being 
under corrupt influences. 

The Director had quite an assortment of dog stories to 
relate to me. He was well informed about the dog fanciers 
in high life — Prince Bismarck and his huge Danes, espe- 
cially Tyras, surnamed the ''Reichshund" ; Count Buelow's 
poodles; Moppi, the famous poodle of Count Taaffe, the 
Austrian Prime Minister; Delyannis, the Prime Minister 
of King George of Greece, who risked his life by jumping 
overboard to save his favorite dog in a shark-infested sea ; 
and King Edward VII, who carried one or more of his ter- 
riers with him on his Continental visits. 

I repeat only his Russian story. There was a law in Swe- 
den which forbade the importation of any foreign dogs into 
that country. In this way they claim never to have had a 
single case of rabies. A few years before the date of my visit 
one of the Grand Dukes made a visit to Sweden, and took 
with him several of his favorite dogs. WTien he reached 
Stockholm, the dogs were refused admittance. The Grand 
Duke appealed to the King, who called a council of state, 
before which the Grand Duke represented that his dogs had 
been so seasick on the voyage he really believed they would 
die if sent back without landing. But the Council of State 
was obdurate, and the order was given to send the dogs back 
to Russia. The Grand Duke was in despair. But the cap- 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 227 

tain of the ship hit upon the device of bringing on board a 
quantity of earth, covered it with grass, and thus deceived 
the dogs into the behef that they were on land, reheving 
sufficiently their sickness to get them safely back to Russia. 
But the Grand Duke made a vow never to visit Sweden 
again. 

On our way to Peterhof the Director said I would find 
His Majesty occupying a small house or cottage called "The 
Farm," in the grounds of the celebrated Palace of Peterhof 
built by Peter the Great ; and he apologized to me for find- 
ing the Emperor in such scanty quarters, when he had so 
many grand palaces at his disposal. But he moralized with 
the comment: ''Such is the way of mankind — they are 
never satisfied with what they have." 

I had a second opportunity of meeting the Emperor under 
very favorable circumstances. Some days after I had my 
audience I was asked by Count Mouravieff to call at the 
Foreign Office, when he told me that the Emperor had no- 
ticed that I had a military title, and that if it would be agree- 
able to me he would like to invite me to accompany him at 
a review of a regiment of which he was the honorary colonel. 
An imperial invitation is a command, and the Emperor took 
this delicate way of affording me an opportunity to escape 
the review, if I had no military taste or curiosity to satisfy. 
I expressed to the Count the great honor and pleasure I 
would have in receiving and accepting such an invitation. 
I was accordingly asked in an official note to attend the 
"Church Parade of the Ismailovsky Infantry Regiment of 
the Imperial Guard, at Camp Krasnoe Selo," near Peterhof. 

On my arrival at the railway station of the camp, I was 
met by one of the Emperor's aides-de-camp with a carriage, 
and driven through immense crowds of people to the small 
military church at some distance from the station, where 
a tedious religious service was held in the presence of the 
Emperor, his staff, and the officers of the regiment, all ex- 



228 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

cept the music being unintelligible to me. After the service 
the Emperor on foot passed down the hne of the regiment 
drawn up adjoining the church, and made a careful inspec- 
tion of each company. The regiment then passed by pla- 
toons in review before the Emperor, still on foot. Seeing 
me in the crowd of attending officers, he sent an aide to bring 
me to him and placed me on his right, shghtly in his rear, 
but so that he could converse with me. 

After the review we were driven to the mess-hall of the 
regiment, an immense room, w^here an elegant breakfast was 
served, presided over by the Emperor, and attended by his 
staff, all the officers of the regiment, and a number of mili- 
tary guests. I was the only foreigner present, as it was 
intended to be a purely military family affair. I sat on the 
opposite side of the table, on the right of the Emperor's 
chief of staff, and near enough for easy conversation. His 
Majesty was quite interested in the events of our Civil War 
and my own military service, and showed himself familiar 
with our history. After the breakfast was served, the com- 
pany broke up into groups, and the Emperor gathered all 
the regimental officers about him, and passing from one 
to the other spoke individually to all of them, having quite 
a conversation with each. I was much impressed with the 
thoroughness and the conscientious manner in which he 
discharged his duties towards his fellow officers. 

The most noted Russian subject of the time was Serge 
J. Witte (afterwards Count de Witte) holding the post of 
Minister of Finance, and the most powerful man in the Em- 
pire. He came from the middle or merchant class of the 
people and is another evidence, as was M. de Giers, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, that rank and fortune do not always con- 
trol in the attainment of the highest offices in the Russian 
Government, but that capacity and fitness sometimes enable 
their possessor to push his way to the front, in spite of the 
nobility and bureaucracy. 




SERGE J. DE WITTE 



i 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 229 

At the time of my visit, Witte had ah-eady made for 
himself a great reputation as a financier and administrative 
officer. In these departments his first great work was to 
estabhsh the protective tariff system and build up the in- 
dustrial establishments of the Empire. His next accom- 
phshment was to give stability to the currency and introduce 
the gold standard. He labored successfully to promote the 
state ownership of railroads and create great state monopo- 
lies. The chief of these was the monopoly of the sale of al- 
cohol and intoxicants, under a system of dispensaries similar 
to the experiment in one or more of the States of our Union. 
All of these measures have added greatly to the power of 
the Government and much to its commercial prosperity; 
but they had even at the time of my visit created for him 
much opposition and many enemies, and these were able 
eventually to drive him from his post as Minister of Finance. 

I was naturally anxious to meet this famous man and 
have some opportunity of measuring his capacity, and very 
fortunately this opportunity came about as a natural out- 
come of the business which brought me to St. Petersburg. 
One of the questions connected with it had to do with the 
Finance Department, and Count Mouravieff suggested that 
I call and discuss it with M. de Witte, and said that he would 
arrange for the interview. When I mentioned the intended 
interview to our Minister he at once commiserated with me, 
as he said Witte was very rough and severe in his intercourse, 
and did not hesitate to be rude even to the members of the 
Diplomatic Corps who had occasion to call on him ; and such 
was his general reputation. 

My experience, however, was not at all a disagreeable 
one. I found him a little brusque in manner and voice, but 
he was very attentive to what I had to say on the question 
which brought me to him. This he decided promptly and 
favorably, and I rose to take my leave. But he begged me 
to be seated as, he said, he wanted to talk with me about 



230 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

some American matters. He then said he would Hke for me 
to explain to him the silver question, which had been the 
issue in the first McKinley-Bryan campaign which had closed 
only a few months before. I professed my incompetency 
for such a task, but we had a prolonged conversation on the 
subject, in which he manifested much interest. 

He then introduced the subject of the production and 
sale of wheat, of which he said the United States and Rus- 
sia were the greatest producers and exporters ; and he asked 
if there was not some way in which the two Governments 
might cooperate to maintain a fair price in foreign markets. 
In answer to my inquiry as to how this could be done, he 
proposed that the two Governments should combine to regu- 
late the exportation of the grain and in this way maintain 
a remunerative price abroad. I expressed to him a fear that 
our Government would not feel warranted in adopting such 
a measure, and that a difficulty might be encountered in our 
constitutional provision as to exports. It appears that he 
did afterwards put such a proposition into shape, to be acted 
upon by the leading wheat-growing countries, which were 
to join in maintaining prices and thus protect the farmers 
from the fluctuations caused by speculation and by the 
irregularity of supply and demand. The chimerical plan 
did not exalt him in my esteem as a statesman, but his con- 
ception of it is to be explained by his life in a country where 
trade, as well as politics, is controlled by an autocratic 
power. 

An amusing incident occurred during our interview. In 
the midst of our conversation the telephone-bell on his desk 
sounded, and he asked me to excuse him to answer the call. 
A brief conversation in Russian took place through the in- 
strument, and he hung up the receiver with an impetuous 
jerk, and the remark to me, "It's a girl," and resumed the 
silver discussion, as if nothing had occurred of moment. In 
a few minutes the cannon from all the fortresses of the 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 231 

Capital were booming the news of another addition to the 
imperial family. 

Since my visit Count de Witte has been a still more con- 
spicuous figure in Russian and world pohtics. After being 
driven from the Cabinet by his enemies, he was in retirement 
till the Japanese victories made it necessary for Russia to 
sue for peace, when his sovereign called upon him as the 
most suitable person to extricate the country from the dis- 
asters into which it had fallen. He had had no diplomatic 
experience, but he was the most forceful subject of the Em- 
pire and was well fitted to drive a hard bargain. He gained 
much credit for his part in the peace negotiations, but more 
than he really deserved, as Japan held every advantage 
which she had gained in the war ; and his boastful manner 
detracted even from the merit to which he was entitled. 

When the disorders broke out following the Japanese war, 
the Emperor called him to the head of the Government, but 
his stay in power was brief. His great success as a financier 
did not attend him in his efforts to reconcile the Emperor 
and his discontented subjects. He is understood to be a man 
of large wealth, and if his country does not again demand 
his services he can spend the remainder of his days in ease 
and comfort. 

A feature of his domestic life illustrates the strong preju- 
dice which still exists in Russian official society against the 
Jews. After he had attained a high position in the govern- 
ment service he became enamoured of a beautiful and ac- 
complished Jewess. A divorce was readily obtained from 
the insignificant official who was her husband, and she mar- 
ried M. de Witte. But during the days of his greatest suc- 
cess as Minister of Finance, and even when he was called to 
negotiate the peace with Japan, his wife was never presented 
at Court and she was boycotted by all the ladies of the 
nobihty. However, when the country seemed on the verge 
of revolution and Witte was regarded as the only man who 



232 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

could confront the situation, before he accepted the invita- 
tion of the Emperor to take charge of the Government, it is 
understood he made it a condition that his ostracized wife 
should be received at Court, and in due time Countess de 
Witte was presented to the Emperor and Empress. The 
country's need was her opportunity, and the triumph of the 
Jewess came at last. Her people might adopt toward her, 
with a slight alteration, the language of Mordecai: "Thou 
art come to the kingdom at such a time as this." 

The business of my mission brought me into personal 
contact with another official who has since attained an in- 
ternational reputation. After I had settled with Count 
Mouravieff the general question involved, he asked me to 
take up the formal details of the arrangement with M. Fred- 
erick de Maartens, a member of the Council of the Foreign 
Office. He had long been an official of that department and 
was also Professor of International Law in the University 
of St. Petersburg. I held a number of conferences with him 
and our relations were of a very pleasant character. I re- 
garded him more as a scholar than a statesman ; not endowed 
with great talents, but a man thoroughly informed in mat- 
ters of international law and diplomacy, and a useful public 
servant. 

Since the time I first met him, M. de Maartens has acted 
as president of the arbitration tribunal which adjusted the 
Venezuelan boundary controversy and as a member of the 
first Peace Conference at The Hague. He was sent to Ports- 
mouth as an adviser of the Russian plenipotentiaries in the 
peace negotiations with Japan, but, owing to Witte's master- 
ful spirit and self-confidence, he was afforded little oppor- 
tunity in shaping the results. He was also the prominent 
Russian delegate to the second Peace Conference at The 
Hague, where I was again associated with him. 

Among the members of the Diplomatic Corps there were 
a number whom I had met at other capitals in former years, 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 233 

and it was very pleasant to be able to renew our acquaint- 
ance. Among these was the British Ambassador, Sir Nicho- 
las O'Connor, of whom I saw a good deal on my first visit 
to Peking while he was the British Minister at that Court. 
He and Lady O'Connor did much to make our stay in St. 
Petersburg a pleasant one. Another ambassador who was 
especially kind to us was Prince Eadolin, the German repre- 
sentative, and his charming wife. The Prince has since filled 
the post of Ambassador at Paris with much distinction. 

The American Minister to St. Petersburg, Clifton R. 
Breckinridge, received me with the greatest cordiality, and 
omitted no effort to make my special mission a success. 
Under ordinary circumstances the resident diplomatic repre- 
sentative does not look with favor upon special missions 
to the Court to which he is accredited, and there are a num- 
ber of instances in the history of our country where such 
missions have created jealousy and ill feeling. In the present 
case there could be no reflection upon either Mr. Hay at 
London or Mr. Breckinridge at St. Petersburg in my ap- 
pointment, as they both possessed the confidence of our 
Government, and the fur-seal question was one which con- 
cerned four governments and had been in my charge for 
some time as agent of the United States. My presence in 
these two capitals was merely in execution of the general 
trust committed to me. 

In all my conferences with the Russian officials I invited 
Mr. Breckinridge to accompany me, and he rendered at all 
times cheerful and useful assistance. Besides, during our 
brief stay of two weeks, he and Mrs. Breckinridge were un- 
tiring in their social attention, and largely through their fa- 
vor we were the recipients of marked courtesies by members 
of the Court and of the Diplomatic Corps. Mr. Breckinridge 
suffered some eclipse in his political career on his return to 
his home in Arkansas, because of his manly and independent 
course on the financial question during the Cleveland Ad- 



234 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS] 

ministration. A State can ill afford for such reasons to be 
deprived of the services of a person of such high character, 
experience, and ability. 

On my return to London I found both the Foreign and 
Colonial offices still absorbed with the concluding ceremo- 
nies of the Queen's Jubilee, and I was detained there a full 
month before my business was concluded. As the question 
in hand primarily concerned Canada, my conferences were 
mainly with the Colonial Secretary of the Cabinet, Joseph 
Chamberlain, and I had a good opportunity to study this 
unique character in British politics. I had seen a good deal 
of him socially when he was in Washington in 1888, engaged 
in the fisheries negotiations, but now I w^as brought face to 
face with him on a vexed question in our international 
politics. 

Two years later he forced his country into the conflict 
with the Dutch in South Africa, out of which it emerged 
with a great loss of its military prestige, but with credit 
for the imperial policy in the colonies for which he stood as 
chief advocate, ^^^len I was again in London, in connection 
with the Alaskan boundary in 1903, he was once more the 
conspicuous figure in British politics, as the champion of a 
new tariff policy for the Kingdom. How far he would have 
succeeded in revising the established fiscal order of the Gov- 
ernment, had he not been stricken with disease, can only be 
conjectured. Great Britain has not produced in the past 
twenty-five years a more bold, independent, and forceful 
statesman, nor one so little controlled by party trammels 
or hereditary ideas. It is related that when Chamberlain 
deserted the Liberal Party, Mr. Gladstone said, "Chamberlain 
is the first politician we have had of the American type, and 
he is destined to give a great deal of trouble." "\Miethpr or 
not his characterization of Chamberlain was correct, his 
prophecy has been abundantly fulfilled. 

During this visit to London I first met Sir Wilfrid Laurier, 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 235 

the Canadian Prime Minister. He was there with the other 
colonial leaders in attendance on the Queen's Jubilee, and the 
colonial conferences with Mr. Chamberlain respecting plans 
for an imperial confederation. His attractive physical ap- 
pearance, his gracious manner, and his persuasive eloquence 
had made him easily the most distinguished and popular 
of all the colonial representatives at the Jubilee. I was 
destined to see much more of him in later years. 

My stay was not altogether devoted to business, as I have 
intimated that the Jubilee ceremonies obstructed it, but my 
compensation was in seeing more of English society and 
ways than I would have enjoyed but for this delay. We were 
honored with further invitations to Buckingham Palace 
and had new occasions for seeing court life. I also was able 
to note their effect on our public men. A gentleman from 
one of our Western States, who had been honored with some 
of the highest offices in the gift of our people, received an 
invitation for himself and daughter to one of the court func- 
tions at Buckingham Palace, and he felt highly flattered 
by this royal attention. But when he learned that he must 
appear in knee-breeches and silver-buckled low shoes, he 
rebelled and peremptorily refused to go. His daughter, who 
was wild at the thought of going to Court, beseeched and 
pleaded in vain. I finally used my persuasive powers and 
reasoned against his folly, as we termed it. At last, to gratify 
his daughter, he consented to the ordeal, upon our promise 
not to breathe a word of it on our return home. *'It will 
forever blast my pohtical prospects, if the people hear it," 
said he. 

Although our country was so worthily represented by 
Ambassador John Hay, President McKinley, as a mark of 
high consideration to Queen Victoria, appointed a special 
ambassador to the Jubilee in the person of one of our dis- 
tinguished citizens, ^\^litelaw Reid, who discharged his mis- 
sion with all the success which attends refined manners and 



236 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

wealth. He was honored by the presence of the Prince of 
Wales at his table, and we then had another occasion to meet 
the reigning British sovereign. Mr. Reid later filled the post 
of Ambassador at London with much acceptance. 

We were favored with "week-end" visits to some of the 
noted country-seats which occupy so large a space in Eng- 
hsh social life. I had been associated in the Bering Sea Ar- 
bitration at Paris with Sir Richard Webster, Queen's coun- 
sel before that tribunal, and the most successful lawyer of 
his day in London (afterwards Lord Chief Justice of Eng- 
land, Baron Alvenstone). He did not possess one of the 
ancient estates, but had built for himself a modern country- 
house, of which he was very proud, picturesquely situated 
in the hill country of Surrey, with wide-extended and beau- 
tiful views off towards the distant sea ; and he insisted that 
Mrs. Foster and I should come down and pass a Sunday with 
him. He met us at the railway station, and himself drove 
us across country behind his spanking bays. Other visitors 
were at his place and we made up a pleasant house-party. 
The garden, the dairy, and the stables were his pride, and 
well they might be. Sir Richard was a devout Churchman, 
and we all assembled in the large hall, guests and servants, 
for evening prayers, he officiating at the organ and leading 
in the singing and prayers. Another of our "week-end" 
visits was to Knebworth House, the country-seat of the 
family once famous in English politics and literature, the 
Bulwer-Lyttons. Its history goes back beyond the days of 
Queen Elizabeth, and we heard many tales and legends 
about its rooms and halls. It has shared the fate of many 
an old home of the nobility, these entailed estates that can- 
not go out of the family but may be incumbered, as was 
this, by profligacy and gambling. The present heir is too 
poor to live upon it, with its nine thousand acres and the 
great mansion, and for the time it was leased to our host, 
one of our American captains of industry, Mr. Henry Phipps. 



MY SECOND MISSION TO RUSSIA 237 

One of my social experiences was of such exceptional char- 
acter as to bear reciting. I received an invitation to the 
Jubilee dinner of "The Worshipful Company of Fishmon- 
gers," one of the famous guilds of London which have come 
down from ancient times. Supposing I was indebted to the 
American Embassy for my invitation I resorted thither for 
information and instructions. The Embassy knew nothing 
of the invitation, but I was advised to attend it as a unique 
affair. When I entered the palatial hall I expected to meet 
some friend, but there was no one to receive me but the serv- 
ants in brilliant uniform, who were quite attentive. I wan- 
dered through the spacious halls before the dinner was 
announced, but recognized no one. I was assigned a seat of 
honor at the table, but had to introduce myself to my ad- 
joining companions. The table-plan with the names showed 
a large company of distinguished people, the nobility, mil- 
itary, bankers, and merchants, but no one I ever saw before. 
The exercises at the dinner were unlike anything I had wit- 
nessed, quite formal, but interspersed with toasts (no 
speeches) and beautiful music, altogether enjoyable. It 
closed with a quartette song, "The Fisherman's Good- 
night." To this day I am in ignorance of the person to 
whom I was indebted for the unique entertainment. 

Our Sundays were not always spent in the country, pleas- 
ant and restful as they were, as on this and other visits we 
sought out the great preachers of London, and we found 
them, as in other large cities, very few. We were struck with 
the fact that the most eloquent and popular preachers were 
not in the Established Church, but among the Dissenting 
bodies. Joseph Parker, of the Congregational, and Charles 
H. Spurgeon, of the Baptist Church, were the great preachers 
of London in my earher visits. Another notable fact was 
that they were preachers of the "old gospel"; they talked 
of sin and the judgment to come, of the need of repent- 
ance and conversion; it was such preaching that crowded 



238 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

their great audience-rooms and built up their congrega- 
tions. 

Not the least instructive of our leisure excursions was a 
visit to the Henley Royal Regatta, as members of a house- 
boat party. This regatta was sought to be made especially 
attractive as one of the festivities of the Diamond Jubilee. 
Such a scene is nowhere else to be found, with its multitude 
of boats of all descriptions, the bustling and josthng, the 
brilliant and beautiful costumes of the ladies, the excite- 
ment of the race. It is outdoor Enghsh life and sport in its 
gayest style. 

So also is there nothing more interesting and enjoyable 
than the two days' trip we took down the Thames from 
Oxford to London on an electric launch, under the guidance 
of a host who knew every foot of the way, its history, Ut- 
erature, and legends. Wliat a marvel of beauty and enjoy- 
ment the English have made of a comparatively insignificant 
and sluggish stream, by their system of locks, careful poHcing, 
landscape gardening, and tasteful architecture. 

Our journey home was made by the same ship on which 
we came and in the company of our Chinese companions. 
The Ambassador and his suite had meanwhile attended 
the Queen's Jubilee, visited Paris, Berlin, and St. Peters- 
burg, the Ambassador and his Secretary having received 
royal decorations at the respective Courts, and were quite 
satisfied with their mission. On reaching New York, the 
Ambassador and his Secretary accompanied me to our sum- 
mer home on Lake Ontario, and spent a few days enjoying 
the black-bass fishing and our free outdoor hfe. 



CHAPTEK XVIII 

MY MISSION TO SPAIN 

As already related, I had of my own choice retired from the 
Diplomatic Service in the autumn of 1881, in order to resume 
the practice of law. I fixed my residence in Washington, 
and had established a profitable practice which promised 
to be still more lucrative in the future. I was quite content 
with my lot, and looked forward to spending the remainder 
of my days in the quiet pursuit of my profession, when on 
February 20, 1883, 1 received a note from President Arthur's 
private secretary, stating that the President would be glad 
to have me caU at the Executive Mansion the day following 
to see him. 

On my calling the next day, the President, referring in 
complimentary terme to my past diplomatic service, said 
that he had determined to appoint me Minister to Spain, if 
I would accept, and he hoped very much I would do so. He 
knew, he remarked, that I had voluntarily retired from the 
Service, but there was an important work to do in that 
country which he felt sure I could accomphsh better than 
any one else, and he hoped I would make the sacrifice re- 
quired in again entering the pubUc service. 

He proceeded to explain that he greatly desired to orig- 
inate a policy of commercial reciprocity with the Spanish- 
American countries especially ; that General Grant and Senor 
Romero, the Mexican Minister, had just concluded such a 
treaty for Mexico; that he regarded it of great importance 
that a similar treaty should be negotiated with Spain for 
Cuba and Porto Rico ; that to accomplish this object he was 
anxious to send me to Madrid ; and that, if I chose, I might 
regard it as in the nature of a special mission, and when ac- 



240 DIPLOMATIC ^lEMOIRS 

complished I could be free to return home. He added that 
there were other matters of importance which he desired to 
intrust to me, such as the claims of American citizens grow- 
ing out of the late insurrection in Cuba and the unsatisfactory 
commercial relation with that island, but that the reciproc- 
ity treaty was the chief measure which led him to ask me 
to accept the mission. 

I stated to the President that I highly appreciated the 
honor which he proposed to bestow upon me, but that it 
came as a surprise, and that I must beg the privilege of a few 
days' delay in giving him an answer, to enable me to con- 
sult my wife and see what arrangements I might make with 
my clients. I confess that the President's request was an 
appeal too flattering to my pride and my patriotism to be 
resisted; my wife readily consented, and I was able so to 
arrange my business affairs as to give the President an af- 
firmative answer within a few days. My nomination was at 
once sent to the Senate and promptly confirmed, and I set 
about preparations for our journey to Madrid, when an 
unexpected event delayed my departure for my post. 

General Porfirio Diaz, having successfully completed his 
first term as President of Mexico, turned over the Govern- 
ment to his successor, restored peace throughout the coun- 
try, and established a high reputation as a statesman, de- 
termined to embrace the opportunity of his release from 
public duties to make a visit to the United States. General 
Grant's visit to IMexico three years before, when he was made 
the guest of the nation, was fresh in the public mind, and it 
was felt that similar honors should be extended by oui- Gov- 
ernment and people to the ex-President of Mexico. In view 
of my acquaintance and past relations with him. Secretary 
Frelinghuysen asked me to act as the President's special 
representative, to meet General Diaz at the frontier, invite 
him to become the guest of the nation, and escort him to 
Washington. 



MY MISSION TO SPAIN 241 

As he was accompanied by his wife and her parents, who 
had been among our most intimate friends during our re- 
sidence in Mexico, ]\Irs. Foster joined me on the journey to 
meet our distinguished guests. Several days were spent at 
St. Louis, Chicago, Niagara Falls, Buffalo, New York, and 
other points, en route to Washington, and the ex-President 
and his party were the recipients of the most generous hos- 
pitality and attention from the state and municipal author- 
ities, as well as by the Federal Government during his stay 
in the Capital. The visit had the salutary effect of removing 
the last vestige of bitterness, if any remained, growing out 
of the tardy recognition by the United States of the Revolu- 
tionary Government, and created a new bond of good will 
between the two Republics. 

This service delayed me several weeks in reaching Madrid, 
but on June 16, 1883, I was received by the King and pre- 
sented my credentials as Minister. The details of that cere- 
mony were so different from those at St. Petersburg that 
it may be of interest to repeat them as given by me in a let- 
ter to my wife, then in Paris, as follows : — 

At the designated hour the Introducer of Ambassadors 
arrived at my hotel with two of the King's state carriages, 
accompanied by two officers of the King's household and 
an escort of cavalry. After a few minutes' conversation we 
"took up our hne of march" to the palace. The Secretary 
of the Legation and the two officers went in the first carriage 
and I followed with the Introducer of Ambassadors in the 
second. On the rear of each carriage stood two lackeys in 
bright dress and powdered wigs and with great gilded staffs 
in their hands ; a section of the mounted escort preceding, 
and another, following the carriage, rode in brilliant cavalry 
uniform. We entered the palace by the grand stairway, the 
most attractive feature of this beautiful edifice, a double 
line of royal guards standing on each of the steps, with one 



242 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

stationed at each landing and doorway, holding a huge 
medieval mace, which he brought down with a whack which 
echoed through the vaulted roof as we passed. 

After a few minutes' waiting I was ushered into the pre- 
sence of His Majesty, Don Alfonso XII, who was standing 
in the rear of the salon, at a table, behind and around which 
were the Minister of State (Foreign Affairs) and quite an 
array of the King's staff, grandees and lesser nobles, all in 
uniform. I had been instructed as to my movements in His 
Majesty's presence, first by my secretary and afterwards by 
the Introducer of Ambassadors, and I went through them 
as best I could. When the doors were thrown open, I was 
announced in a loud voice by the Introducer, whereupon as 
I entered I made a profound bow; then advanced halfway 
to His Majesty, stopped and bowed again; and when I came 
near I made my final halt and third bow. (^Miat a pity I 
did not take some lessons at St. Petersburg from the Rus- 
sians, who do it so well.) 

AMien my last bow was made, I began my little speech, a 
copy of which had been sent a week before to the Minister 
of State. Unfortunately I had left my glasses at the hotel, 
as, being in uniform, I could not well carry them, but I had 
my address pretty well at my tongue's end and got along 
without much use of the manuscript. I did really better than 
Don Alfonso, who mumbled his reply over rather poorly, 
confining himself closely to his paper. 

After the addresses were over and my credentials delivered, 
the King shook hands with me very heartily, and we had a 
pleasant conversation. He began in Spanish, but after a Ut- 
tle while I told him he spoke such good Enghsh he ought to 
use that language with me, referring to my audience of the 
Czar, who said he was glad of an opportunity to practice 
English. The King replied that he spoke English with diffi- 
culty, and did not like to do so for fear of "talking nonsense," 
meaning, I suppose, making mistakes, and he soon got back 



MY MISSION TO SPAIN 243 

into Spanish. Then we said good-bj^e, and bowed each other 
out of the hall at opposite doors, his ministers and suite fol- 
lowing him ; and I returned to my hotel in the same style in 
which I came. 

I must say I hke the practice of the Russian Court better, 
where I went to the palace in my own carriage, was received 
by the Grand Master of Ceremonies and ushered into the 
presence of the Czar, both of us unattended ; no set speeches, 
but after I had handed him my credentials, we had a pleas- 
ant talk like two sensible men. Such a method is more likely 
to promote good relations than the ceremonious perform- 
ance just described. 

Some preparation had been made in Spain before my 
arrival for the commercial reciprocity negotiations. The fact 
of the completion of a reciprocity treaty with Mexico had 
been published, and was the occasion of discussion in the 
Spanish Cortes or National Congress. The Cuban members 
asked for the publication of the text of the Mexican treaty 
in the Records of the Cortes, which was done, and they 
strongly urged upon the Government that, for the protec- 
tion of Cuban interests, a similar treaty be negotiated with 
the United States for that island. The provision of the treaty 
for the free admission of sugar from Mexico to the United 
States was the one which most awakened the interest of the 
Cubans, as sugar was the chief interest of their island, and 
they feared the effects of the Mexican treaty upon their great 
industry. A Colonial Congress held in Madrid soon after 
my arrival also passed a resolution strongly favoring such 
a treaty as necessary to restore the waning industries of 
Cuba. 

Notwithstanding those favorable indications, I was des- 
tined to delays and disappointment, and to learn over 
again the lesson of my Mexican experience that the Spanish 
temperament does not admit of celerity in the dispatch of 



244 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

public business. On my arrival I found the attention of the 
Government absorbed in the Carlist movement, designed 
to place the pretender Don Carlos on the throne, and also 
disturbed by other revolutionary uprisings, mainly in the 
army. Added to these were the rapid changes of ministries, 
which made any consecutive and satisfying negotiations 
impossible. During the first seven months of my mission I 
had to do with three separate cabinets, representing differ- 
ent parties and policies. Spanish parties and politics present 
a complicated subject, very difficult for the comprehension 
of the foreigner. Later on I shall endeavor to explain them, 
but for the present I content myself with giving the main 
reason for the sudden changes of the ministries to which I 
have referred. 

In the midst of the unrest and discontent prevailing in 
the country, the Ministry of Senor Sagasta conceived that 
it would be good policy for the young King Alfonso XII to 
make a foreign tour, and a visit was planned to the Court 
of Vienna, — to which he was allied by his marriage to a 
member of the imperial family, — to the Emperor of Ger- 
many, and to the President of France, the Ministry hoping 
that the attentions which their king would receive from 
these powerful nations would give him greater prestige in 
his own country and possibly strengthen the Ministry. But 
unfortunately the foreign visit had results not altogether 
anticipated by those who planned it. The receptions which 
the King received in Vienna and Berlin were of the most 
distinguished character. Especially in the Capital of Ger- 
many were the attentions bestowed upon him very marked. 
Among other favors he was made honorary colonel of a 
German regiment by the Emperor; an honor, however, 
conferred upon a number of other reigning European sover- 
eigns. 

These courtesies showered upon the King in Berlin awak- 
ened in the sensitive French populace a feeling of deep re- 



MY MISSION TO SPAIN 245 

sentment, cultivated by a certain part of the Parisian press 
which charged these manifestations as the evidence of a coali- 
tion of the three monarchs against the French Republic, and 
that the German title conferred was an insult to the French 
nation. On his return to Spain, passing through Paris, the 
King was met by the President of the Council and the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs; but not comprehending the state 
of public excitement, they had taken no precautions to sup- 
press disorder, and the King encountered an infuriated mob, 
which greeted him with hooting and jeers, and even with 
stones thrown at his carriage. In giving me an account of 
his experience, in a private conversation soon after the event, 
he said, in a good-humored way, that it was pretty hard to 
sit still and be hissed at, and to have fists shaken in one's 
face and stones thrown at your carriage. 

On his arrival in Madrid he was met at the railway sta- 
tion by an immense crowed, which seemed to be the entire 
population, including the Ministry and officials of all ranlcs. 
The crowd was so great that it was utterly impossible for 
the police to clear a way for me to the place reserved for 
the Diplomatic Corps, and after being nearly suffocated and 
trampled to death I had to give up the attempt. In report- 
ing the event to the Department of State I wrote as follows : 
"The marked attentions which the King received from the 
Emperors of Austria and Germany have been very gratify- 
ing to his subjects and have tended to increase his prestige 
in Spain; but the unpleasant incidents which occurred in 
Paris on his return journey created a profoimd impression 
throughout the country, and led to a popular demonstration 
on his arrival in Madrid which has rarely been witnessed 
here. The discourtesy of a part of the populace of Paris was 
interpreted as an indignity to the Spanish people, and men 
of all parties and schools of opinion in Spain united to re- 
ceive the King, on his entry into the Capital, as the honored 
chief of the nation. Never has a Spanish monarch been re- 



246 DIPLOKITIC MEMOIRS 

ceived with such enthusiastic and hearty demonstrations. 
While there was a decided difference of opinion amongst 
Spanish pubHc men as to the good pohcy of the foreign tour, 
all parties agree that the King has conducted himself with 
tact and prudence, and, however it may affect political 
circles, the general result is personally advantageous to Don 
Alfonso." 

With the Ministry the case was different. The Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, the Marquis de la Vega de Armijo, who 
had accompanied Alfonso on his foreign tour and was a wit- 
ness of the Parisian outrage, returned in a state of intense 
indignation. Although the French Government had promptly 
expressed its deep regret at the discourtesy and did what it 
could to make amends, Vega de Armijo insisted that further 
reparation should be made and that the Spanish Ambassa- 
dor should be withdrawn from Paris. The chief of the Minis- 
try, Sagasta, was not willing to take a step which might lead 
to hostilities ; the Minister for Foreign Affairs tendered his 
resignation ; and, as other differences existed in the Cabinet, 
the whole Ministry resigned. 

The King constituted a new Ministry, at the head of which 
was Posada-Herrera, a statesman of experience, and with 
associates made up of the most Hberal elements of the ad- 
herents to the monarchy. Its prograrmne contained very 
advanced views of public questions, such as the revision of 
the constitution, universal suffrage, civil marriage, reform 
of the army, and more liberal foreign trade. In my comments 
to the Department of State, I spoke of this Ministry as the 
most liberal one since the restoration of the monarchy, and 
in referring to what seemed to be a steady tendency towards 
the more free and enlightened principles of government, 
I wrote: "Much of the credit is due to the young King, who 
has shown himself to be a constitutional sovereign, imbued 
with ideas very different from his predecessors, and has on 
frequent occasions announced himself to be a Hberal ruler, 



MY MISSION TO SPAIN 247 

especially desirous of developing the peaceful industries of 
the country and elevating labor." 

It seemed, however, that the programme of the new Min- 
istry was in advance of the times, and that the Cabinet must 
be short-lived. I therefore resolved to lose no time in im- 
proving the opportunity to further the main purpose of my 
mission. The Minister of State or of Foreign Affairs, Ruiz 
Gomez, was a man of large experience, several times a cabi- 
net officer, favorable to free trade, prompt in dispatch of 
business, and characterized by frankness. The commercial 
intercourse of the United States with Cuba had for years 
past been in a most unsatisfactory condition, and this fact 
was at once recognized by the new Minister of State. Among 
the most annoying of these conditions was what is known 
as the "discriminating flag" policy of Spain, by which for- 
eign goods imported into Spain or its colonies in Spanish 
vessels were charged a lower rate of duties than when im^' 
ported in vessels of other nationalities. Under this system 
American vessels engaged in the trade with Cuba were placed 
at a great disadvantage, and especially so as the Cuban 
trade was largely with the United States. The system had 
been the source of complaint on the part of our Government 
for many years, and under a statutory provision it had re- 
sorted to retaliation by imposing a discriminating tonnage 
tax upon all Spanish vessels entering the ports of the United 
States. The Minister agreed with me that this policy of 
reprisals was neither creditable to the two Governments, 
nor did it tend to promote trade, and we reached an agree- 
ment to remove the discriminating charges on both sides. 

This was an important step taken in the direction of im- 
proved commercial relations with Cuba, and I was heartily 
congratulated by the Secretary of State for my success. In 
drawing up the articles of agreement I inserted, with the 
approval of the Minister, a stipulation that we would enter 
without delay upon negotiations for a complete treaty of 



248 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

commerce and navigation between the two countries re- 
specting the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. The agreement 
was duly signed, but one of its stipulations had to be sub- 
mitted to the Cortes for approval. 

Before that action could be had the expected happened, 
the advanced Liberal Ministry fell from power, and a Con- 
servative Ministry, under Canovas, took charge of the Gov- 
ernment. I stood in great fear lest my "discriminating flag" 
agreement, with its reciprocity attachment, would likewise 
fall with the Ministry which made it. But my anxiety was 
not of long duration, for as soon as I could get the new Min- 
ister's attention to the business, he assured me he would 
ratify what his predecessor had done, and that when other 
matters then pressing upon his attention could be disposed 
of, he would take up with me the negotiations for the Cuban 
reciprocity treaty. 

The excitement occasioned by the foreign visit of the King 
had hardly been allayed when it was announced that a re- 
turn visit was to be made by Frederick William, Crown 
Prince of Germany, on behalf of the Emperor William I. 
This visit the month following the return of Don Alfonso 
was the cause of much comment because of its promptness 
and of the strained relations existing between Germany and 
France, and between France and Spain growing out of the 
insults to the King in Paris. 

On account of the peculiar political situation the recep- 
tion of the Crown Prince was one of unusual display and 
enthusiasm. The King went in state to receive him at the 
railway station, and nearly the whole population was out 
to welcome him. Mihtary reviews, a civil banquet in the 
palace, attended by the Ministers of State, Diplomatic Corps, 
and grandees, another banquet in the palace for the military 
officials, a concert, a reception, and a state ball; hunting- 
parties, excursions to neighboring cities, and the inevitable 
bull-fight were among the festivities. 



_:V_ 



MY MISSION TO SPAIN 249 

One of the most interesting of these attentions was the 
exhibition of the great store of old tapestries stowed away 
in the palace, which were brought out for the inspection of 
the Crown Prince, and we were thus afforded the rare op- 
portunity of inspecting the most extensive and one of the 
finest collections of tapestries existing in the world. In 
the time of Charles V and Philip II, when the countries pro- 
ducing the finest work of this art in its highest perfection 
were under the Spanish dominion, there was gathered in 
Madrid a vast store of choice tapestries, a large part of which 
are packed away in the Royal Palace. On this occasion they 
lined all the courts, halls, and passageways of the extensive 
palace, and constituted an exhibition not possible in any 
other part of Europe. 

I was honored by a private audience of the Crown Prince, 
and held with him a conversation of some length. In the 
course of it he expressed the warmest friendship for the 
United States and his high appreciation of the kind treat- 
ment which German subjects and immigrants uniformly re- 
ceived from our Government and people. During his visit 
to Spain he conducted himself with great prudence and good 
sense, and he gained the hearty good will of the people of 
all classes by his soldierly bearing, his gracious manners, and 
the interest he manifested in the national institutions 
and customs. 



CHAPTER XIX 

CUBAN CLAIMS AND RECIPROCITY 

Notwithstanding the changes of ministries in Spain, I had 
not been unmindful of other matters which had been in- 
trusted to me, the most important of which were the claims 
of American citizens against the Spanish Government for 
acts of the Cuban authorities. Had I been disposed to be 
unmindful of them, the claimants and their attorneys would 
not have allowed me to sleep upon my post of duty. Dip- 
lomatic representatives to a government whose finances are 
embarrassed have a thankless task in urging upon it the 
claims of their unfortunate countrymen with unsettled ac- 
counts. A Claims Commission had been in session in Wash- 
ington for some years previous to my appointment, and had 
adjudicated a large number of claims of Americans for injuries 
suffered to their properties in Cuba, growing out of the insur- 
rection. But in a number of these cases the claimants felt 
that injustice had been done them by the Commission, and 
they had induced our Government to assume their con- 
tinued prosecution. I was accordingly instructed to present 
them to the Spanish Government and urge upon it their 
allowance and payment. 

Most of these claims were meritorious, but they labored 
under the disadvantage of having been before a commission 
which had failed to pass upon them favorably, some for 
want of jurisdiction and others for reasons which did not 
seem sound to our Government. I labored most industri- 
ously to comdnce the Spanish Government of the justice 
of our pretensions, and sent to the Foreign Office reams of 
arguments and exhibits, but to no purpose. My wily op- 



CUB.^ CLAIMS AND RECIPROCITY 251 

ponents used strongly against me the action of the Com- 
mission, and the untrustworthy character of the citizenship 
of our clients, who they claimed were mostly renegade 
Cuban Spanish subjects in the fraudulent disguise of Ameri- 
can citizens. 

Besides it was insisted that Spain had counter-claims to 
offset those of the Americans. While the claims of the Brit- 
ish and French for damages grooving out of the American 
Gvil War had been adjudicated by commissions and paid, 
those of Spanish subjects were still unsettled; that there 
were other claims growing out of the cession of Florida ; and 
that these would more than offset those now urged by us. 

But back of all those defenses and arguments was the 
stubborn fact that the Spanish Treasury was empty; that 
every year the national budget showed a deficit ; and if there 
was not money enough in the Treasury to pay Spanish sub- 
jects their dues, why should they allow these American claims 
to worry them? After a similar experience twelve years 
before, John Hay, in his charming book, "Castihan Days," 
wrote: "You can never, even after years of experience, 
predict the answer which the Spanish Government will make 
to a just claim. You can only be sure of one thing — that it 
will not pay. They will at first deny the fact, they will next 
make an argument on the law, and they will end by silence 
and shameless delay. Even the bayonet is not always a 
sufficient persuader. They would often rather fight than 
pay. There is usually too pressing need of money in the 
august circles of the Court and Cabinet to have any of it 
wasted in the pajment of debts." 

This extract is entertaining reading, but it was not found 
strictly accurate in my relations with the Government. I 
regard the poverty of the Treasury as the main cause of the 
delay and evasion. I was instructed to secure the pajment 
of the awards of the Commission to which I have referred, 
and after considerable delay and frequent urging I obtained 



252 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

payment. One of the matters of complaint, for which I was 
instructed to secm-e a remedy, was what was termed "the 
cattle tax." An important trade had grown up in the ship- 
ment of cattle from Florida to Cuba, and the Spanish Gov- 
ernment directed its consuls to collect a tax or fee of ten 
cents per ton on such shipments. To this our Government 
had been objecting for several years, on the ground that it 
was not a legitimate charge for consular services, but was 
in fact an export tax collected by foreign officials in Ameri- 
can territory. After much discussion I secured the aboli- 
tion of this exaction and a promise of the return of the money 
collected, and repayment was made just at the close of my 
mission. 

Another case of payment of obhgations highly creditable 
to Spain may be mentioned. Under a claims treaty of 1834 
the Spanish Government recognized certain debts due to 
American citizens and obligated itself to make a perpetual 
payment semi-annually of interest on the amount of the 
debts. Because of the war of 1898 between the United States 
and Spain, it was held that all existing treaties between the 
two countries were abrogated. But when the war was over, 
while all of her treaties were accepted as having been term- 
inated by the war, the Spanish Government not only re- 
habilitated this treaty, but paid up the interest which had 
fallen due while hostilities were in progress. 

I have intimated that the private American claimants and 
their attorneys were active in keeping their interests ever 
before me. One of the most energetic of these was a Wash- 
ington claims agent, who before my departure from home 
had sought to inspire me with a double portion of zeal in 
behalf of his clients. He had already made more than one 
journey to Madrid to study the methods by which he might 
induce the Spanish Government to look with favor upon his 
claim. Some time after I had been at my post and he had 
been advised that I had presented his case to the Gov- 



CUBAN CLAIMS AND RECIPROCITY 253 

ernment and was urging its settlement, he again turned up 
at Madrid. 

Taking the precaution to telegraph me from Paris that he 
was en route with fresh instructions from President Arthur, 
on his arrival he waited upon me and read to me a letter 
written by one of the "attorneys" in the case, giving what 
claimed to be the substance of a conference which this "at- 
torney," a very close friend of the President, had held with 
him. In the conference the President had told him that his 
patience had been exhausted with the delays of Spain, and 
that instructions had been sent to me to press the claims 
with renewed energy upon the Government, and that if it 
persisted in its refusal to make a just settlement I must give 
it to understand that our Government would resort to force 
for their collection, and that its ultimatum would be "claims 
or war — claims or Cuba." 

I was compelled to say to this earnest agent that I had 
received no such instructions as those indicated in his at- 
torney's letter; in fact, that I had been given no new in- 
structions on the subject since I left Washington. But in 
quite an excited manner he insisted that here were the Presi- 
dent's instructions as outlined in the attorney's letter. I had 
quietly to inform him that the usual way in which the 
President issued instructions to diplomatic representatives 
was through the Department of State, and that if that 
practice was departed from I must have the President's 
wishes over his own signature. 

It was agreed, however, that the agent would wait in 
Madrid until I could communicate with Washington by 
cable. I very promptly received a cable message from the 
Secretary of State, sajdng that no new instructions had been 
issued to me and none were contemplated. When I informed 
the agent of the contents of the Secretary's cablegram, he 
left me in a high state of excitement and indignation, and on 
his return to Washington reported that I had been corrupted 



'^' 



254 DIPLOI^IATIC MEMOIRS 

by the Spanish Government. I afterwards learned that the 
"attorney," through whom the alleged instructions of the 
President had been sent to me, was the family dentist of 
the President who made occasional visits from New York 
to Washington to inspect the President's teeth. The claims 
agent, learning of this fact, had "retained" him in the in- 
terest of his clients, and the instructions to me, which might 
be so fateful in their results, had been issued by the Chief 
Magistrate in the intervals of gold-plugging ! 

It may be correctly inferred from what has already been 
written that the business of the American Legation at 
Madrid related almost exclusively to Cuban matters. In 
addition to the subjects alluded to, much of my time was 
taken up with getting American vessels out of trouble with 
the Cuban customs authorities. The duties on imports to the 
island were so high that they offered an incentive to smug- 
gling, and all American vessels were not able to resist the 
temptation. Other innocent ones were frequently suspected, 
and seizures were frequent. The customs regulations were 
complicated and exacting, and, administered as they often 
were by dishonest officials, the American shippers and 
importers were constantly involved in controversies with 
them. 

The passport system in Cuba was strict and the fees on 
account of it heavy, and the complaints of Americans re- 
specting the enforcement of the regulations were quite seri- 
ous. I was able to secure some modification of them, but the 
system continued to be maintained. 

Restless and dissatisfied Cubans were seeking to make 
the United States a place of conspiracy and base of military 
operations against the island. The Spanish Government 
maintained an efficient system of espionage, and the Minister 
at Washington was by no means negligent in bringing the 
filibustering operations, supposed or real, to the attention 
of our authorities. 



CUBAN CLAIMS AND RECIPROCITY 255 

The trade and finances of Cuba were a fruitful source of 
discussion in the Cortes. The financial condition came under 
review annually with the voting of the budget, and it could 
scarcely be represented in a more wretched state than that 
depicted in the speeches of the members. Constantly grow- 
ing deficits, temporary loans at ten and twelve per cent 
interest, the budget sought to be balanced by a bank loan 
in advance, the army six months or more behind in pay, 
taxation double that of Spain, were some of these conditions, --^^ 
We may learn something of the feeling of the country from | 
the concluding words of a speech of Sehor Moret, one of the ' 
most eloquent of the friends of Cuba. The fair island, he l 
said, to be released from her wretched situation, needs to ; 
be supported on the vigorous arm of her old mother, and I 
this support must be rendered in order to give her treasury ^ 
full freedom. He was one of those who never should believe '^ 
that Cuba could be separated from Spain — he believed it 
impossible ; but if it should come, that day the sun would 
truly set on the Spanish dominions. ,- 

The sale of Cuba to the United States was a constant bug- 
bear, which was frequently discussed in the Spanish press 
and debated in the National Chambers. In the days of the 
Ostend Manifesto and when the fiery Soule represented our 
Government at Madrid in ante-bellum times, there were 
grounds for such reports, but no serious project to that end 
had in later years been entertained by the administrations 
at Washington. Still the spectre appeared in the Spanish 
Chambers from time to time. During my residence, in one 
of the discussions in the Senate — it could not be called a de- 
bate, for all parties were of one mind, rather a flow of ora- 
tory — Canovas, the Prime Minister, uttered the general 
sentiment of the nation when he declared that ''never, in 
any eventuality, cost what it might, never would Spain 
cede to any foreign country a part of its territory ; and, that 
it might be understood beyond the seas, he made the 



256 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

declaration directly applicable to Cuba, which was all that 
reraained of Spain's former glory, of the grand history of 
her great conquests in the other world ; for with its loss she 
would lose more than life — national honor — and this the 
Spanish nation will never renoimce." 

The discussion closed by the unanimous adoption of a re- 
solution by the Senate, which repelled "with indignation 
every project which tends to separate or transfer our Antilla 
[Cuba] from the mother country, for whose preservation 
there is no sacrifice which the noble and worthy Spanish 
nation is not ready to make." 

General Prim, the most sagacious and courageous Spanish 
statesman of his day, saw clearly that Cuba was doomed to 
be lost to the Crown, and he felt that it would be good policy 
to anticipate this inevitable separation and make it of some 
value to the mother country. But the remark is attributed 
to him that if he should consent to the separation of the 
island, his countrymen would tear him to pieces with wild 
horses. 

As soon as it was possible I secured the attention of the 
Minister of State of the Cdnovas Cabinet to the project of a 
commercial reciprocity treaty for Cuba, and in a few confer- 
ences it became apparent that views were entertained on 
one side or the other which made an agreement impossible 
without important modifications or concessions. The Span- 
ish Ministry, while sincerely desirous of making a treaty 
which would benefit Cuba and tend to revive its depressed 
industries, was restrained by powerful interests in the Pen- 
insula. For a long time past it had been the policy of the 
Government to retain the import trade into Cuba and Porto 
Rico for the producers and manufacturers of the mother 
country. It had also been the practice to interpret "the 
most favored nation" clause of its treaties as obligating 
the Government to grant commercial privileges freely to all 
nations with which it had treaties. These two policies, if 



CUBAN CLAIMS AND RECIPROCITY 257 

adhered to, made a reciprocity treaty with the United States 
impracticable. There were other views entertained by the 
Spanish Government in conflict with those of our Govern- 
ment ; and on the other hand some of the privileges sought 
to be obtained by us in a reciprocity treaty were objection- 
able to Spain. 

I reached a point in the negotiations where I deemed it 
desirable to have a personal conference with the Secretary 
of State and possibly with the President; and upon repre- 
senting the matter to Secretary Frelinghuysen I received 
authority by cable to make a visit to Washington, which 
I did in the spring of 1884. 

After a full exchange of views with the Department of 
State, and after conferences with various organizations and 
interests in Washington and New York concerned in the 
Cuban trade and industries, I returned to Madrid, in June, 
1884, and took up anew with the Spanish Government the 
commercial reciprocity treaty negotiations. After some 
weeks spent in discussing the matter with the Minister of 
State and the Minister of the Colonies (Ultramar — having 
special charge of the affairs of Cuba and Porto Rico), I came 
to the conclusion that the negotiations would drag along 
interminably, unless I could have some competent person 
with whom to negotiate directly, who could give his whole 
time to the subject and would be willing to master the infinite 
detail of trade statistics necessary to a full comprehension 
of the business in hand. 

I accordingly took the responsibihty of making a direct 
appeal to the Prime Minister, Senor Canovas, whom I knew 
to be a man of decision and clear perception. I had already 
established very pleasant relations with him, was cordially 
received, and after stating to him the little progress made in 
our negotiations and the obstacles in the way, mainly grow- 
ing out of the multiplicity of business in the hands of the two 
ministers of his Cabinet with whom I was carrying on nego- 



258 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

tiations, and their consequent inability to give me the time 
required, I suggested the appointment of a special negotiator 
to take the matter in charge. He promised to take up the 
matter without delay with the ministers of the two depart- 
ments concerned, and within a few days I had the pleasure 
of being informed that Senor Salvador de Abacete had been 
appointed a special plenipotentiary to negotiate and sign 
with me a treaty of commercial reciprocity. 

I was entirely satisfied with the plenipotentiary named. 
He was a man of large experience in public affairs, having 
held important positions under the Government, at the time 
a Senator, and well fitted by experience and capacity to 
master the details of the business intrusted to him. Thence- 
forth the negotiations progressed steadily to the end. A final 
agreement was not reached, however, without much dis- 
cussion, and questions arose which for the time seemed to 
threaten a disagreement. On the two points named, of the 
Peninsula trade and ''the favored nation" clause, I had to 
appeal again to Senor Cdnovas. 
. At last all difficulties were overcome, and on November 
^;;^^„_„. 25, 1884, a treaty of commercial reciprocity was signed, sat- 
isfactory to the executive departments of the two Govern- 
ments, to regulate the trade and commerce between the 
United States and the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. Upon 
notifying the Department of State of the conclusion of the 
treaty, Secretary Frelinghuysen instructed me by cable to 
come to Washington at once, bringing the treaty with me. 
The Congress of the United States was about to assemble, 
and the treaty would be submitted to the Senate for advice 
and consent to its ratification; and the object of ordering 
me to Washington was that I might be on the ground to furn- 
ish any desired information to the Department of State or 
the Committee of Foreign Relations of the Senate in the 
consideration of the treaty. 
I reached Washington with the treaty on the morning of 



CUB.\N CLAIMS AND RECIPROCITY 259 

December 8, and that same morning the treaty appeared in 
full in one of the New York papers, before the President had 
had an opportunity to transmit the official text to the Senate. 
It was an evidence of newspaper enterprise, as it had been 
telegraphed in full from Madrid, and it, with the schedules 
of articles, constituted a very lengthy document. A copy of 
the treaty had been obtained by bribing an official in the 
Spanish Ministry of State, who it is understood received two 
thousand dollars for the surreptitious copy. The offender 
was an unworthy Spanish nobleman, a count, and this act 
was all that saved his name from oblivion. To their credit, 
be it said, the Madrid press were unanimous in denouncing 
his conduct. The premature publication was of little conse- 
quence, as the treaty would have been made public by the 
Senate in due time and before any discussion by that body. 

In negotiating and signing the treaty I had successfully 
completed the mission upon which I had been sent to Spain. 
It was such a convention as the President and the Secretary 
of State desired and had instructed me to make. It remained 
with the Senate to exercise its constitutional function in 
passing upon the question whether in its judgment it was 
for the interest of our country to give it effect and put it in 
operation. 

The Senate had ratified the reciprocity convention with 
Mexico made the year before, and that was accepted by the 
President as an indorsement of the policy of commercial reci- 
procity with our neighboring countries. Had it been possible 
to submit the Cuban convention at that time, doubtless it 
would have been ratified likewise. But since that time im- 
portant political events had occurred. President Arthur, 
who desired the nomination of his party for another term, 
had been defeated in the convention. The Republican Party 
had been beaten in the national election, and Mr. Cleveland 
was about to enter upon the Presidency with a policy op- 
posed to commercial reciprocity. While there were Demo- 



260 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

cratic Senators who were warm advocates of the Cuban 
treaty, the influence of the incoming Administration was 
thrown against it. 

Neither was there a unanimous support by Repubhcan 
Senators. Mr. Blaine, the defeated candidate for the Presi- 
dency, felt resentment at not being continued in the Arthur 
Cabinet after the death of President Garfield and at the 
alleged want of hearty support from the Administration in 
the recent campaign. He spent the winter in Washington 
when the treaty was before the Senate, and, although he 
became a few years later the champion of reciprocity, he 
gave his intimate friends to understand that it would be bet- 
ter not to act upon this measure. For instance, he said to 
Congressman Hitt, late his Assistant Secretary in the De- 
partment, but a supporter of the Cuban treaty, that "there 
are too many treaties before the Senate just now," referring 
to the Cuban and Dominican reciprocity conventions and 
the Nicaraguan Canal treaty. 

President Arthm- and his measures encountered the same 
embarrassment which attends the policy of a defeated Pre- 
sident, as his term draws to its close — the powerful opposi- 
tion of the incoming Administration and the lukewarmness of 
his own party. The Cuban treaty never came to a vote in 
the Senate, and it and the other two treaties mentioned were 
withdrawn from the Senate by President Cleveland a few 
days after his inauguration. There was a failure also of the 
Grant-Romero reciprocity convention with Mexico, for al- 
though it had been approved by the President and ratified 
by the Senate, yet it never went into effect because the 
House of Representatives refused to vote the necessary legis- 
lation for that purpose. For the time commercial reciprocity 
was out of favor in Congress. 



CHAPTER XX 

STATESMEN AND DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 

The study of the public men I found one of the most inter- 
esting subjects in Spanish pohtics. In this study I was struck 
with the almost insignificant part that the nobility took in 
public affairs, and how in these later years the policies of the 
Government were directed by men who had risen from the 
ranks of the people. This fact was especially emphasized in 
the leaders of the political parties into which the country 
was divided. The three best known of these leaders were 
Cdnovas, Sagasta, and Castelar. 

Antonio Canovas del Castillo was born of lowly but re- 
spectable parents at Malaga in 1828. As a youth he made his 
way to Madrid and obtained employment as a clerk in a rail- 
road office. He used his wages to secure an education in the 
schools and at the University. After completing his studies 
he took to journalism as a profession, became a lecturer in 
the University, and established a reputation as a historical 
author. He entered upon his political career under Marshal 
O'Donnel. After the banishment of Isabella he became a 
steadfast adherent of the Bourbon dynasty, though he ad- 
vocated its restoration only through peaceful means. AVhen 
the change came and Alfonso was called back to assume the 
crown, Cdnovas appeared holding a power of attorney or 
mandate from the coming king to assume the Government 
and organize a Ministry. 

For six years he remained at the head of the Ministry and 
showed much industry and skill in reestablishing the mon- 
archy. The Constitution of 1876 which still prevails was his 
workmanship. It limited the franchise, curtailed the Hberty 
of conscience and the press, and made a firm compact with 



262 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the Vatican. He did much to concihate the Carlists by his 
friendly relations with the Pope and by his conservative 
measures. He courted the friendship of Austria and Germany, 
rather than of repubhcan France. 

His conservative policy continued so strenuous that the 
more liberal spirit of the country forced him temporarily from 
power, and he alternated with Sagasta, the Liberal Leader, 
in the conduct of the Government for many years. He was 
Prime Minister when Alfonso XII died, and he advised the 
Queen Regent Christina to place the Government again in 
the hands of his Liberal opponent, as a greater guarantee 
of the stability of the monarchy and protection from repub- 
lican assaults. It was an exhibition of self-abnegation not 
common with politicians, and proved him more patriotic 
than ambitious. He continued, however, in public hfe and 
from time to time, with the fluctuations of parties, served 
as Prime Minister, holding that position when he was assas- 
sinated by an anarchist in 1897. 

Senor Cdnovas, whether judged by his record of achieved 
results or by his ability and attainments, must be regarded 
as the first Spanish statesman of his generation. He brought 
order out of the chaos into which his country had fallen. He 
had witnessed the overthrow of an absolute monarchy, of a 
constitutional monarchy, an elective monarchy, a republic, 
various regencies, civil and military dictatorships, until the 
people, wearied and exhausted by the violent transforma- 
tions, under his guidance turned again to the Bourbons. It 
is his statesmanship more than any other influence which 
has given to the Peninsula the long era of continuous gov- 
ernment, peace, and development enjoyed since 1874. 

Of all the Prime Ministers with whom I had to do I found 
Cdnovas the most satisfactory in our official intercourse. I 
had frequently to appeal to him from the dilatory practices 
of his colleagues. I found him broad-minded, prompt to com- 
prehend and dispatch business, and I could place implicit 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 263 

reliance in his promises. These are some of the elements 
which made him a successful statesman and gave him such 
a firm hold upon his followers. 

He was not eloquent, but a very effective debater; not 
attractive in personal appearance, but every one who came 
in contact with him at once recognized him as a man of 
marked ability. As a writer and scholar he was well versed 
in social, economic, and philosophical questions. He stood 
among the first in the Madrid academies, and was a liberal 
patron of the arts and letters. 

Praxedes Mateo Sagasta was born of humble parentage 
one year before Cdnovas, and hke him came from his pro- 
vince to Madrid for his education, which was for the profession 
of engineering, eking out his living meanwhile by work as a 
reporter for the press. In college he early imbibed advanced 
Liberal views, and entering upon political life he twice suf- 
fered exile on account of his advanced opinions. On the over- 
throw of Isabella he returned to Madrid, and accepted a place 
in the Cabinet under General Prim, was Prime Minister under 
Amadeus, and was holding that position under the Serrano 
regency when the army pronounced in favor of Don Alfonso. 
He quietly gave way to Cdnovas, and bided his time for the 
assertion of his Liberal principles. He was soon returned to 
the Cortes and began a propaganda for an enlarged suffrage, 
the establishment of civil marriage, greater freedom of the 
press and association, trial by jury, and other measures more 
in consonance with the spirit of the times than the constitu- 
tion framed by Canovas. Some of those measures have been 
incorporated into laws, and whatever progress in more en- 
lightened principles of government has been made by Spain 
in the last quarter of a century has been brought about 
mainly by the championship of Sagasta. 

The greatest service which he was able to render his coun- 
try was the cordial support and unswerving loyalty which 
he brought to the Dowager Regent Christina through the long 



264 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

period of the minority of Alfonso XIII. After various minis- 
terial mutations, he was in power when the young heir to the 
throne attained his majority, and he had the great gratifica- 
tion of having him crowned and well started upon his reign. 
He made himself jpersona gratissima both to the Queen 
Regent and the young heir, when the austere manners of the 
King-Maker Canovas seemed to repel them in their personal 
relations. 

Another epoch in the career of Sagasta was not so agree- 
able to him. When Canovas was voted out in 1897, Sagasta 
became again Prime Minister, and was in power during the 
troublous times which brought on and ended the war with 
the United States. It was he who recalled Weyler from Cuba, 
proclaimed his intention to give complete autonomy to that 
island, and strove hard to avert war, the result of which he 
could readily foresee. But the fates were against him, "the 
pearl of the Antilles " must be forever lost, and the sinking 
of the Maine frustrated all his well-meant plans. He too had 
to bear the humiliation of directing the negotiations which 
resulted in stripping his proud nation of all its colonial pos- 
sessions beyond the sea. But the reviving spirit of enterprise 
and development of the Peninsula in these later years is 
showing that the catastrophe which the nation suffered 
during his administration is not proving such a disaster as he 
and his countrymen supposed. 

Sagasta was the most astute and accomplished Spanish 
politician of his day. He was sometimes termed "the James 
G. Blaine of Spanish politics." A born leader, bold and ag- 
gressive towards his opponents, he always commanded a 
large and devoted band of blind followers, and was not over- 
scrupulous in his partisan methods. He was an eloquent 
speaker, full of hfe and fire, abounding in flattery or quiet 
irony as occasion required, skillful in debate, but much of 
a trimmer. 

He was not prepossessing in personal appearance. John 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 265 

Hay's description of him was : "He has a dark wrinkled face, 
small bright eyes, the smile and scowl of Mephistopheles." 
Prince Hohenlohe, the German Chancellor, described him 
as "a small, Jewish-looking, vivacious man." I always had 
very pleasant relations with him, but I never felt that I could 
lean upon him when I got into trouble with his ministers as 
I could upon Canovas. He was too profuse in his promises to 
be always rehable. When I went to say good-bye to him on 
leaving Spain, he expressed great regret at my going, and in 
parting he said if I ever wanted anything in Spain, only send 
him dos palabras (two words) and it should be granted. He 
died in 1903 at the ripe age of seventy-six, having filled an 
important space in Spanish history and accomplished a use- 
ful work in his country's advancement. 

The most widely known abroad and most admired at home 
of the political leaders was Emilio Castelar. But this reputa- 
tion was based upon his brilliant oratorical gifts and his ac- 
complishments as a writer, for he was not successful as a 
leader of men. He was inspired in his youth with progressive 
political ideas by his father, who was a leader of the Liberal 
movement in the wretched reign of Ferdinand VII, and was 
forced to spend much time in exile. The son early entered pub- 
lic life, and in the reign of Isabella II soon stood at the front 
of the radical leaders. Implicated in Prim's uprising in 1866, 
he was sentenced to death, but escaped to France, where he 
remained until the banishment of Isabella. He then returned 
to Madrid and became a steadfast and outspoken advocate 
of a republican form of government. When the short-lived 
republic came into existence in 1873 he became its president, 
and on the reestablishment of the monarchy he went into 
voluntary exile. Being elected a deputy to the Cortes the 
following year, he took his seat and remained continuously 
a member up to the time of his death. 

He did not agree with the majority of his republican col- 
leagues, because he advocated bringing about a republic by 



266 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the peaceful means of public opinion. He was a consistent 
republican in that he never attended the official receptions 
at the Royal Palace, but he always maintained friendly per- 
sonal and social relations with both Cdnovas and Sagasta, 
and participated with them in the meetings of the Academy 
and other hterary and scientific bodies. Both of these leaders 
always saw to it that Castelar was returned to the Cortes at 
every election, as his peaceful propaganda made him less 
dangerous to the monarchy than the conspiring republicans, 
and besides, these monarchical leaders could not deprive 
themselves nor the pubhc of the pleasure of listening to his 
rhetorical orations in the Cortes. Whenever it was announced 
that Castelar was to speak, the chamber was crowded to 
suffocation, the women of high society going many hours in 
advance of the meeting, carrying a lunch with them. His 
speeches were applauded to the echo, but they had no appar- 
ent effect upon legislation. 

He was a charming man in his social relations, and on his 
evenings at home his house was thronged with his personal 
friends and admirers, hterary and scientific people, and poli- 
ticians. He was a brilliant conversationalist, and was in- 
chned to be the chief participant in the circle. All Americans, 
and especially the diplomatic representatives, were cordially 
welcomed by him. He had been presented with a life-sized 
portrait of Washington, which he showed with pride to his 
American visitors, rarely omitting the occasion to pronounce 
a eulogy on the subject of it. I was often at his house and 
he at my table and with my family, and we became quite 
endeared to him. 

He lived very simply, depending upon his hterary work 
and his university lectures for his income, as he received no 
salary as a member of the Cortes. ^^Tien universal suffrage 
was adopted, he declared his mission at an end, and he rarely 
afterwards took part in public affairs, giving his attention to 
his literary pursuits. At his death he had nearly filled out the 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 267 

allotted age of threescore years and ten. During his life he 
had commanded the respect and pride of all classes, and the 
Capital honored his memory with a funeral of imposing 
character. 

There is another Spanish statesman who cannot be passed 
over without notice. Sigismundo Moret y Prendergast is one 
of the most advanced of the Liberal Party. He began his 
public career as the associate of Castelar, but he gave in his 
adhesion to the monarchy as the most practical and surest 
method of securing both permanent government and progres- 
sive principles. He has represented the advanced or radical 
wing of the Liberal Party, has frequently been a member of 
the Cabinet, and since I left Spain he has time and again held 
the post of Prime Minister. At the age of thirty, while Minis- 
ter of the Colonies, he procured the passage of the law which 
eventually brought slavery to an end in Cuba. He was one 
of the most outspoken of the advocates of universal suffrage, 
strongly urges reforms in the army, and is an ardent free- 
trader. 

He is a man of commanding presence, six feet high, with 
classical, clean-cut features, quite handsome, of prepossessing 
manners, and is an orator of superior merit. He is not only 
listened to with marked attention in the Cortes, but with 
eagerness at the University, where he lectures to the students 
on political economy and history. He has spent much time 
in England where he was for a time the Spanish diplomatic 
representative, and he and his charming family speak Eng- 
lish fluently, an accomplishment not usual in Spanish society. 

Going from St. Petersburg to Madrid, I noticed quite a 
contrast in the personnel of the Diplomatic Corps of the two 
Courts. The importance of Russia at that time in the political 
affairs of Europe led the Governments to send to St. Peters- 
burg their most experienced and able representatives. Not 
so much importance attached to Madrid, for, while I found 
here diplomats of respectable experience and ability, none of 



268 DIPLOIVIATIC MEMOIRS 

them had attained international eminence, and only a few 
of them afterwards achieved greater distinction; but these 
few are worthy of notice. 

At the head of the Diplomatic Corps stood the Papal 
Nuncio, Archbishop Rampolla, a man of attractive person- 
ahty and commanding talents, who later played a most 
important role at the Vatican. WTien he was yet a young 
man he had served as a coimcilor to the Nunciature at 
Madrid and, returning as the Nuncio, he at once assumed 
a distinguished position at this devoutly Cathohc Court and 
in the Diplomatic Corps, He manifested much interest in 
American affairs, was often at my house in Madrid, and with 
him we estabhshed very cordial relations. Referring to one 
of his visits Mrs. Foster, in a letter to a friend, wrote : "WTien 
I came home I found both of my girls raving about the Pope's 
Nuncio, who had just been here making a visit. He was 
dressed in lavender gloves, lavender silk stockings, and laven- 
der silk lining to his cloak ! They declared him the most in- 
teresting, intelligent, fascinating man they had ever met, and 
I am afraid if he comes often they may be wanting to change 
their religion." 

He was created a cardinal in 1885 and recalled to Rome 
to become Secretary of State to Pope Leo XIH. In this posi- 
tion he manifested his liberal principles and his statesmanship 
by advocating for the Vatican a policy towards France of a 
break with the monarchists and turning to the republic as 
representing the best form of constitutional government for 
that country. On the death of Leo he was the most pro- 
minent candidate for the succession, and would have been 
chosen Pope but for the opposition of Austria, whose rulers 
resented his French policy. Had he been made the head of 
the Church the complications with France which arose under 
Pius X would doubtless have been avoided. It has been well 
said that in such an emergency what the Vatican needed was 
not so much a saint as a statesman. 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 269 

"^Tien I became Secretary of State under President Harri- 
son, one of the most cordial letters of congratulation I 
received was from Cardinal Rampolla. The letter was in 
French, but I insert a translation as follows : — 

Dear Mr. Minister, — 

Wlien I had the pleasure to reply, officially, to the kind 
communication which you addressed to the Holy See on the 
approach of the ceremonies that were to be held on the four 
hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America, I should 
have been glad to add a word in private for the purpose of 
assuring you of the pleasing remembrance which I retain of 
the relations which existed between us at Madrid. Still I was 
unable to do this as soon as I wished, but I ■will no longer 
defer satisfying this desire of a heart which is grateful for the 
many kindnesses that have been shown me by you. 

The thought never entered our heads, perhaps, while we 
were at ]\Iadrid, that, after we should have ceased to be col- 
leagues in the Diplomatic Corps, we should sustain relations 
to each other as representatives of our respective govern- 
ments. Fortunately this is the case at a time when the Pope 
is manifesting great and earnest sympathy for the American 
Union, and when that Union understands the views of my 
August Sovereign, which are as noble as they are lofty. The 
cordial relations between the two Ministers cannot therefore 
do otherwise than facilitate and increase the good under- 
standing between them. 

I hope, Mr. Minister, that your health will continue good, 
as well as that of all the members of yoiu" family, to whom I 
beg you to present my compliments, and to accept for your- 
self the sincere assurances of the high consideration with 
which I am Your Excellency's 

Most Faithful Servant, 

M. Card. Rampolla. 
Rome, October 8th, 1892. 



270 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

As indicating that the Cardinal's memory of our acquaint- 
ance was not altogether of such exalted matters as referred 
to in this letter, he inquired of a friend of mine recently, 
who called upon him in his retirement, if Mr. Foster was still 
giving as good dinners as he used to serve his friends in 
Madrid. Since the election of Piux X he has withdrawn from 
all participation in the foreign relations of the Church, Uving 
in retirement in one of the Vatican residences, holding the 
high post of Archpriest of St. Peter's. 

Next to the Nuncio, the most striking character in the 
Diplomatic Corps was Sir Robert B. D. Morier, the British 
Minister. He was a pupil of Jowett, master of Balliol College, 
Oxford, and between them there existed a lifelong friendship 
and correspondence. His father was a diplomat before him, 
and he early entered the Service. Before coming to Madrid 
he had served in almost every Court of the German States, 
and possessed a better knowledge of German politics than 
any other foreigner of his time. He established an intimate 
friendship with the Crown Prince Frederick William, and 
allowed himself to be involved in the internal affairs of the 
country beyond the limits of diplomatic prudence, which 
brought him trouble later in his career. 

He had a brusqueness of manner and unconventional ways 
which did not win friends, but he possessed unusual talents, 
was frank, and thoroughly sincere. He was not popular in 
diplomatic and court circles, but he seemed to take a fancy 
to me; we became good friends, and were much in each 
other's company. His blunt and straightforward character 
led him to raise a question of veracity with the Spanish 
Minister of State, he became persona non grata at Court, and 
he was transferred to St. Petersburg. 

■\Vliile at the latter capital he had his celebrated alterca- 
tion with Prince Bismarck, who, inspired by hatred of all the 
friends of the Cro^Ti Prince, charged him ^ith betrajdng the 
movements of the German army during the war \\ith France. 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 271 

He was not dismayed by the attack of his doughty opponent, 
but met it boldly, and thoroughly vanquished "the man of 
blood and iron." At that time Bismarck was out of favor at 
the Russian Court, and the controversy gave Morier great 
prestige and influence at St. Petersburg. To show this favor 
the Czar and all the imperial family attended the next ball 
at the British Embassy. Dr. Andrew D. White, our Minister 
there at the same period, complains that the Russian Govern- 
ment allowed Sir Robert to outwit him respecting the fur- 
seal controversy. There is no doubt the Russian Govern- 
ment in that matter acted in bad faith towards us, but the 
promotion of our representative to the rank of ambassador 
w^oiild not have enabled him, as he supposed, to overcome 
Sir Robert's preponderating influence. 

There were attached to the British Legation in Madrid at 
this time two interesting and promising young secretaries. 
Maurice de Bunsen came of a diplomatic ancestry and has 
since held prominent posts under his Government. Arthur 
Hardinge, who was given the sobriquet of el Sabio (the wise 
one) by his colleagues, was my companion in our sojourn at 
La Granja in attendance on the Court, and where we had 
little else to do but wander about over the mountain-sides 
or in the quaint places of near-by Segovia. He became a 
great Oriental scholar, accompanied the present Emperor 
of Russia on his tour through India, has held the post of 
Resident at Zanzibar, succeeded Sir Mortimer Durand as 
Minister at Teheran, and has since been promoted to higher 
diplomatic employment. 

Another difference which existed between the Courts of 
St. Petersburg and Madrid was the larger representation of 
diplomats at the latter from the Latin-American countries, 
almost all of them being represented. Chief among these 
was General Ramon Corona, the Minister from Mexico. He 
had been appointed to his post while I was Minister in his 
country, and before leaving for Madrid I had the pleasure 



272 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

of giving him and his attractive American wife a dinner, 
attended by the Mexican President and Cabinet. 

During my residence in Madrid, General Corona was the 
victim of a disagreeable incident which recalled the fateful 
history of the Maximilian Empire in Mexico. On the King's 
birthday in December, 1883, a reception was held in the 
Royal Palace as usual. Following the established practice, 
the King and Queen, with the infantas, descended from the 
royal dais to hold a brief conversation with the heads of 
missions, ranged in front of the dais. First in order stood 
the Nuncio. After talking with him, the Queen addressed the 
French Ambassador and also conversed with some attaches 
of the Embassy, presented by the Ambassador, Next in 
order was General Corona. Without exchanging a single 
word with him, and with the faintest movement of the head, 
she passed on and entered into conversation with the Italian 
Minister who stood next, and she likewise conversed with 
every other head of mission. The slight was observed by the 
whole corps. 

On a previous occasion at the Palace, the King noticed 
the absence of recognition on the part of the Queen, and, 
supposing she did not know him, the King asked the Queen 
in his presence and hearing if she did not know General 
Corona. She very promptly and with considerable spirit 
replied, "No, I do not know General Corona; I only know 
the Minister of Mexico," and passed on. This incident was 
not at an official reception and not seen by the Diplomatic 
Corps, but the last action was of such a public and marked 
character. General Corona decided to bring it to the attention 
of the Minister of State, which he did in a personal interview. 
In doing so he said it was barely possible the Queen may have 
been prejudiced against him personally by false and male- 
volent reports. 

The Minister of State said the subject was of too personal 
and delicate a character for him to take any action respecting 




Q 






o 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 273 

it. Whereupon General Corona told him that his duty to his 
Government required that he should not in future expose 
himself to such public affronts, and that until he received 
some indication that the omission of the Queen was not in- 
tentional or he received other instructions from his Govern- 
ment, he would be compelled to decline further invitations 
to the Palace, stating in his note of declination that it was 
"for reasons communicated to the Minister of State." 

General Corona took part in the siege of Queretaro, and the 
Archduke Maximilian, the uncle of the Queen of Spain, was 
made prisoner by the troops of his command. Maximilian 
was treated by Corona with the greatest consideration, he 
declining to receive the tender of his sword, and sending him 
with a high officer to the commanding general. Immediately 
after the surrender he marched his division to another part 
of the republic, and took no part in the trial and execution of 
Maximilian. 

The month following the scene at the Palace above de- 
scribed a new Ministry came into office, and on being again 
invited to the Palace, General Corona sent his declination in 
the terms indicated. On the next day the new IMinister of 
State called on him and said he had held an interview with 
the King, who explained that the Queen thought he had 
acted as one of the members of the court which had con- 
demned her uncle to death. The King added that he hoped 
General Corona would attend the reception, and that the 
Queen would be happy to receive and treat him as the other 
representatives of foreign nations. General Corona attended 
the reception, and the Queen was quite gracious in her in- 
tercourse with him. The same spirit of resentment was 
for a time manifested by Austrian representatives at other 
capitals to their Mexican colleagues, but since diplomatic 
relations have been renewed between the two countries the 
execution of Maximilian has ceased to be an element of 
discord. 



274 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

The Spanish Minister to the United States at the time of 
my appointment was Senor Barca, an accomphshed gentle- 
man, of diplomatic experience, and quite popular in Wash- 
ington. Diplomatic circles and society were greatly shocked 
to learn that he had committed suicide in a New York hotel. 
The deed was instigated, it is understood, by the fact that he 
had been privately recalled by his Government on account 
of some charges against him at home which were never made 
public. Some years before, he had rendered an important 
service to the United States, while Under-Secretary of State, 
in being instrumental in the arrest and return to New York 
of "Boss" Tweed, who had fled to Spain. No extradition 
treaty existed between the two countries, but it was quietly 
arranged that the refugee should be placed on board an 
American man-of-war which oonveniently put in at a Spanish 
port. 

Seiior Barca was succeeded at Washington by Juan 
Valera, who was best known as a writer, being the most pop- 
ular living novelist of Spain and with some reputation as a 
poet. He was not without political and diplomatic experi- 
ence, as at the time of his appointment he held the office of 
Senator and had recently retired from the post of Minister to 
Portugal. A few months before his appointment to the 
United States he had been called home from Lisbon to cast 
his vote in the Senate to sustain the Ministry in a crisis, 
which he resented and resigned. The new Ministry rewarded 
his independence with the mission to Washington. 

Those who knew him well at home predicted that he would 
not make a successful Minister, as he did not have the dis- 
position or business capacity to master the intricate and 
annoying questions involved in our relations with Cuba, 
notwithstanding his social gifts and his literary talents. The 
prediction proved correct, as he found the harassing affairs 
of Cuba irksome, he wearied of his duties, and after a short 
sojourn tendered his resignation. In writing home of the dis- 



DIPLOMATS AT MADRID 275 

comforts he suffered in America, he especially complained of 
the cooking as wretched. Members of our Legation who were 
familiar with the cuisine of Spanish hotels, suggested that he 
had probably failed to take with him a full supply of rancid 
oil. 



CHAPTER XXI 

SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 

Of all the countries of my foreign residence, I found Spain 
the most interesting from almost every point of view. From 
the earliest dawn of European history down through the 
ages it has maintained this interest. It seems quite certain 
that it attracted the attention of the fleets of Solomon and 
his Hebrew merchants. It was an object of interest to the 
Phoenician traders and pirates. The early Greeks peopled its 
shores. The Carthaginians covered it with colonies. It was 
the route through which Hannibal and his vast armies made 
their descent upon Italy, in the life-and-death struggle with 
Rome for supremacy of the Mediterranean, and many traces 
of their presence are still seen in the Peninsula. 

Under the sway of the Romans it became one of the fairest 
and most prosperous portions of the globe. The Apostle 
Paul, in his great desire to see Spain, planned for it one of 
his missionary journeys, and the Apostle James, according 
to Catholic tradition, carried to it Christianity, became its 
patron saint, and his bones now rest in one of its cathedrals. 
It was the birthplace of the Emperor Trajan, the famous 
imperial builder, and Roman roads, aqueducts, bridges, and 
ruined cities still attest its glory at that period. The suc- 
cessors of Rome, the Goths, have given us some of its most 
magnificent architecture. The evidence of the Moorish occu- 
pation is seen in the beauties of Cordova, Granada, and other 
southern cities. The reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the 
Catholic, the great act of Columbus, and the achievements of 
Spanish arms both in America and Europe, in the golden age 
of this people, lend a unique charm to the Peninsula. The 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 277 

wars of the Spanish Succession of the eighteenth century, 
and the Spanish Marriage, of the nineteenth, with the mo- 
mentous consequences of the Franco-German War, illustrate 
the intense interest which Spanish politics awaken in other 
countries. Added to these its art treasures, the attractive 
characteristics of its people, and its beauties of nature, pre- 
sent to the foreigner a country unsurpassed in its objects of 
interest. 

Madrid, like St. Petersburg, is a capital built to order, to 
serve political purposes. As the latter by the indomitable will 
of Peter was planted upon a swamp, to enable him to have a 
freer outlet to the ocean, so it was decreed in the later years 
of Spanish history that on the barren upland of New Castile, 
with its unattractive features, should be built the capital of 
the nation because it was its geographical centre. Here in the 
midst of a dreary waste was established the ro3'al residence, 
despite the fact that the country possessed scores of very fit- 
ting localities for such a purpose. Up to recent years Madrid 
could boast of few architectural features bej^ond the Royal 
Palace, which though not among the largest is one of the 
most attractive in Europe. But Madrid has shared in recent 
years in the growth and improvement of European capitals. 
The population has largely increased, new and pretentious 
public buildings have been erected, elegant private palaces 
have multiplied, the avenues and drives have been beauti- 
fied and extended, and it is coming to be a really showy city. 

Society in Madrid in my day could hardly be called bril- 
liant, compared with St. Petersburg or other northern cities 
of the Continent. Dinner-giving was not common, except in 
the Diplomatic Corps. Public banquets occurred at intervals, 
with much after-dinner orator5\ Once or twice in a season 
there was a grand ball or fancy-dress party in the palace of 
some of the grandees, but as a rule the majority of the nobil- 
ity of Spain were largely reduced in their fortunes, and could 
not afford much extravagance in living. There were a few 



278 DIPLOMATIC I^IEMOIRS 

dinners, balls, and receptions in the Royal Palace — the 
first very perfectly served but quite formal, the second dis- 
tinguished by elegant toilettes and, it is claimed, the finest 
display of jewels to be seen in Europe, and the third very 
tiresome and stupid affairs ; but that is the usual character- 
istic of such affairs elsewhere. 

The great feature of Spanish society is the paseo, or pubHc 
drive, where in the late afternoon the fashionable population 
assemble in carriages, on horseback, or on foot, to see each 
other and exchange salutations. The Retiro of Madrid is not 
so extensive or so highly adorned as the Bois de Boulogne, 
Hyde Park, or the Island Park of St. Petersburg, but it is 
superior to them all as a fashionable outdoor resort. Here 
were gathered every afternoon hundreds of gay equipages, 
and on festal days even thousands of carriages, which made 
the round of the somewhat contracted drive at such a slow 
gait that the occupants were able to salute each other, or to 
draw up at the roadside and converse with their friends 
among the strollers on the walks. Added interest was given 
by the quite regular attendance of the King and Queen and 
the Infantas, with their gay equipages and escorts. 

TMiile, as I have said, dinners and grand balls are not fre- 
quent, there is a feature of Madrid society quite unique in its 
way. The tertulias are the special charm of the fashionable 
circles of the Capital, when various of the noble or wealthy 
families are at home on certain evenings to their friends, and 
when the social and political world gathers to gossip and pass 
a pleasant hour. They are usually too frivolous to resemble 
the French salon, and they are enhvened by choice music and 
by dancing if the company feel so inclined. They afford, 
also, an opportunity for the young people to come together 
and enjoy themselves, under the eyes of their elders — a 
great privilege in a country where the intercourse of the 
young men and women is under strict surveiUance. 

In these evening parties, although the majority of the 



SPAIX, SOCI.\L AXD POLITICIL 279 

company may have a knowledge of French, Spanish is almost 
invariably used in conversation, a practice quite in contrast 
with the society of St. Petersburg, where French is the com- 
mon method of intercourse. The Spanish race are quite 
proud of their language and are pleased to hear it used by 
foreigners. American Ministers as a rule have had no know- 
ledge of the language and have found themselves much 
handicapped for lack of it. Caleb Gushing and James Russell 
Lowell were exceptions to this rule. 

Early in my residence an incident occurred which im- 
pressed me with the great gratification with which the 
Spaniards hear their language used by foreigners. The anni- 
versary of the discovery of America was observed with unus- 
ual pomp by a great banquet in one of the theatres. The 
entire body of the great house was filled with banqueters 
presided over by the Prime Minister, and the galleries were 
crowded with the ladies of high society in gala dress. I was 
called upon to respond to the toast in honor of Columbus, 
which I did in some rather commonplace phrases. But they 
were spoken in Spanish, and as I took my seat, or attempted 
to do so, I was greeted with an immense ovation from the 
galleries, and from the floor I was hterally assaulted by an 
enthusiastic mob of admirers intent on gi\ing me the Span- 
ish embrace in appreciation of my httle speech. I was 
thenceforth a noted personage at banquets in the Capital. 

The most distinctively national feature of Spanish hfe is 
the bull-fight. It is inaugurated annually on Easter Sunday, 
and is continued weekly on Sundays throughout the summer. 
It also takes place on the great feast-days of the Church 
when they occur on other days. If a foreign monarch, prince, 
or other great personage visits the Capital, a bull-fight is ten- 
dered in his honor. It is the national sport, and to it the 
people, high and low, are most devotedly attached. It is 
related that when Joseph Bonaparte reached the Capital to 
assume the government as king, the great question which 



280 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

agitated the people was, not what would be his political 
policy, but whether he would allow or suppress the bull- 
fights. 

I had seen the so-called sport once only in Mexico, but I 
was told that alone in ^Madrid could it be seen in its genuine 
splendor, and I visited the spectacle once again to satisfy my 
curiosity, or (might I be permitted to say?) to study the 
institutions of the country. To me it was cruel and repulsive, 
and I had no desire to repeat the visit. 

On the day the fiesta occurs ^ladrid is all excitement. As 
the hour approaches, the streets leading to the amphitheatre 
are thronged with all manner of vehicles and people on foot, 
and as the game progresses, extra editions of the newspapers 
are issued at frequent intervals, giving minute details of the 
contest with each bull. 

As incUcating the anxiety of the population to secure 
tickets of admission to the fight, I give the following press 
statement of the sale of tickets which occurred during my 
residence, the record of an experience happening frequently. 
On the afternoon of one day before the performance, the line 
of applicants for tickets began to form, the office for sale of 
tickets not to be opened till the next morning. At two 
o'clock in the morning there were two thousand persons 
standing in line, and at six there were three thousand in hne. 
At eight o'clock in the morning, when the office was opened, 
a notice was posted that the plaza contained 12,565 seats, and 
that, after deducting those reserved for permanent ticket- 
holders and officials, there were available for sale 4662 seats. 
It thus became apparent that only a part of those in hne 
could obtain tickets, and a struggle for preferred places 
began, which grew into a riot beyond the control of the 
police, and order was only restored by a large detachment of 
cavalry, which had to charge the crowd with drawn swords. 
A large portion of those in waiting had to depart without 
tickets, some of whom had been in fine for twenty-four hours. 



SPAIN, SOCI.\L AXD POLITIC.\L 281 

Another incident of the same period illustrates the in- 
tensity of devotion to the national pastime. On accomit of 
the cholera scourge, which was so destructive in many parts 
of Spain in 1885, of which I shall give an account later, the 
governor of Toledo issued an order to suspend the bull-fights 
in one of the towns in his jurisdiction because of the viru- 
lence there of the pestilence. Two nights before the day when 
the performance usually took place, the whole population 
turned out, and waited upon the town council, petitioning 
to allow it to be held. The answer given through the alcalde 
was that the council had no authority to take the action de- 
manded, and they would have to send their petition to the 
higher authorities. This so angered the crowd that they 
attacked the town-hall \\ith stones, severely wounding sev- 
eral of the police and the village priest who sought to quell 
the disturbance. The next day they broke into the corral 
of a cattle-raiser, carried away a drove of cattle, kept them 
overnight, and the next day held their bull-fight, in spite of 
the authorities and of the terrible epidemic which was 
decimating the community. 

Soon after my arrival in Spain the whole nation was 
thrown into a great state of excitement by three successive 
attempts at revolution, which occurred almost simultane- 
ously in different and ^idel}'^ separated parts of the countrj'. 
I was at La Granja at the time, in attendance on the King 
and Court on their summer vacation. The Prime IMinister, 
Sagasta, was at a French watering-place, and the other mem- 
bers of the Cabinet were widely scattered. The King on 
receipt of the news rushed off to ]\Iadrid, to which place the 
Ministry was hastily summoned. In the court and diplo- 
matic circles all the conversation was about the revolutionary 
movements, and many wild rumors were put in circulation. 
These events carried me back in memory to my experiences 
in i\Iexico, which had been the land of pronunciamentos, but 
it seemed the mother country had become an apt scholar. 



282 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

These movements appeared to have been concerted by 
Ruiz Zorrilla, a Republican leader then in exile. But just 
as the whole country was being thrown into consternation, 
public funds threatened with a panic, and the Government 
had taken every precaution and set on foot measures to 
resist a widespread and formidable revolution, the move- 
ment was found to be a miserable failure. It was not re- 
sponded to in any of the strong republican locahties, and 
Castelar and other prominent leaders of the party declared 
against a change of government by force of arms. In my 
report of these events to the Department of State, I wrote : 
''During the eight years' reign of Alfonso XII, the country 
has enjoyed an unprecedented era of prosperity and ad- 
vancement, and no inconsiderable share of the credit for this 
happy state of affairs is due to the wisdom and prudence of 
the young King himself. He has steadily shown thus far a 
tendency towards liberal and progressive principles and 
practices of government, which has had a marked influence 
in reconcihng the commercial, industrial, and property inter- 
ests of the country to his reign ; and it would prove a public 
calamity of no ordinary moment to Spain, if the premature 
and futile attempts of extreme republicans should lead him 
to reverse his policy and throw himself into the hands of the 
Conservative and retrograde elements of the country." 

Political parties in Spain are quite complex in their com- 
position and their distinctive principles are not easily 
defined, but in general terms they may be divided into Con- 
servatives, Liberals, and Republicans. From time to time 
they undergo some transformation, as old issues give place 
to new ones. Dm-ing my residence in the country the Con- 
servatives embraced the greater portion of the elements 
instrumental in reestablishing the Bourbon djTiasty by 
placing the young King Alfonso XII on the throne, and to 
them were added such former adherents of Don Carlos as 
took any part in public affairs. Under the administration of 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 283 

this party the Constitution of 1876, still in force, was 
framed. In its ranks were to be found the extreme royal- 
ists and partisans of the temporal power of the Church of 
Rome. 

The Liberal party claimed to be distinctively and uncom- 
promisingly monarchical and loyal to the Bourbon dynasty, 
but it sought to harmonize these conditions with the pro- 
gressive and liberal tendencies of European governments. 
Among the measures which it proposed to the nation was (1) 
a law establishing civil marriage, (2) a law of associations and 
public meetings, (3) establishment of the jury system, (4) 
reform of the penal code, in order more fully to protect indi- 
vidual rights, and regulate the liberty of the press, and (5) 
enlargement of the right of suffrage. Some of these measures 
have been adopted by the country in later years, the elective 
franchise especially being greatly enlarged. During my re- 
sidence in Madrid the population numbered about 400,000, 
but the registry contained only 12,000 voters, of whom a 
large number were stipendiaries of the Government, 

The Republicans represent a large minority in most of the 
cities and manufacturing centres, they are an important 
factor in the elections, and a small number of their party are 
always chosen to the Cortes. But they exercise very little 
direct influence in legislative affairs, because of their internal 
differences, being divided into at least three distinct sections 
with opposing details of policy, and with no concert of action 
among themselves. Many real Republicans are found in the 
Liberal party, they regarding it as the best medium of pro- 
moting repubhcan principles. 

Party lines are not very closely observed and they often 
overlap each other. Conservatives of the milder type find 
Httle difficulty in transferring their allegiance to the Liberal 
leaders on certain questions, and the Liberal party has vari- 
ous groups which often become antagonistic to each other. 
Even the Repubhcans are sometimes found voting with the 



284 DIPLOMATIC ME^IOIRS 

Conservatives to overthrow the Liberals. These unstable 
conditions explain the frequent and sometimes sudden 
changes of ministries. 

The party in power always carried the elections in my day, 
and though the manipulation of the registry had its official 
constraint it managed to return a large majority to the 
Cortes. But in the course of time disintegration in the ranks 
began, and by a combination of the opposite party and the 
disaffected elements of the ruling administration some fine 
day the latter found itself outvoted in the Cortes, the op- 
posite party came to power, ordered an election, and had 
a triumphant majority in the new Cortes. 

I have mentioned the creation of the extreme Liberal 
Ministry of Posada Herrera, under which I was enabled to 
take my first successful step towards the reciprocity treaty. 
It was formed out of the Liberal party, of which Sagasta was 
the leader. Only a few months sufficed to have it outvoted 
in the Cortes. The defeated Ministry tendered its resignation. 
The King asked it to continue in office, offering to dissolve 
the Cortes and call a new election. There would probably 
have been no difficulty in carrying the election, as usual, but 
an unexpected obstacle was encountered. Senor Moret, the 
Minister of the Interior, whose department had charge of the 
election machinery, was a thoroughly conscientious man, 
and refused to assume the responsibility of carrjdng out the 
existing campaign practice, and the Ministry had no choice 
but to insist upon its resignation. 

The Conservatives came into power again, and as soon as 
the Cabinet was organized governors were appointed for the 
forty-nine provinces of Spain from among the pohticians 
then in Madrid, belonging to the Conservative party, and 
they left at once for their respective districts to assume 
charge of their offices and to prepare for the coming elec- 
tion. In the Cortes just dissolved, out of a poll of 347 
deputies there were only 44 Conservative votes; but the 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 285 

Ministry was sustained in the next Cortes, with an over- 
whelming majority. 

The Ministers are required to be members of the Cortes, 
but the British practice does not prevail which compels a 
member on his appointment to the ]\Iinistry to have his ap- 
pointment confirmed by a new election. A Minister can take 
part in the proceedings of both houses, but he can only vote 
in the body of which he is a member. Cabinet members upon 
retirement from office receive fifteen hundred dollars per 
year during their lives, and with the frequent changes of 
ministries this becomes a serious charge upon the treasury. 
A peculiar practice of Spanish ministries was that of the 
transaction of business at late hours of the night. It was 
quite usual for the Cabinet Ministers to go to their depart- 
ments after dinner, or even after the theatre or opera. The 
Minister of State received the diplomatic representatives in 
the afternoon, but occasionally in that department I had 
appointments for an hour after dinner. I had frequent occa- 
sions to go to the Department of the Colonies and of the 
Interior, and when I asked for an appointment \\dth the 
Ministers it was generally fixed for ten o'clock at night, and 
sometimes later. 

Prince Hohenlohe, German Chancellor, went to Madrid in 
1885 to represent the Emperor at the funeral of Alfonso XII. 
After a few days' stay in the Capital he records in his "Me- 
moirs" his impressions of Spanish politics, after a dinner at 
the German Embassy, when the subject was discussed with 
the German and Austrian Ministers and other members of the 
Diplomatic Corps. The entry in his diary is as follows : "It 
appears that here everything depends on satisfying some 
hundred thousand Spaniards of the cultivated classes in pro- 
viding them with places and opportunities of making money. 
The people seem indifferent. The proof is that the present 
Government has all the votes in its own hands, and will 
itself take care that a certain number of Opposition members 



286 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

are also elected. The whole thing is a system of exploitation 
of the most abominable kind^ a caricature of constitutional- 
ism, phrases, and thievery." 

This is just such an opinion as is likely to be formed by 
even an experienced statesman, who spends but a few days 
in ]\Iadrid and hstens to the gossip and criticism in diplo- 
matic after-dinner circles, but it is hardly a correct state- 
ment of Spanish politics. There are doubtless many useless 
officials in the departments, and the elections are largely 
controlled by the party in power ; but there is no wholesale 
change of the subordinate oflBcials on the advent of a new 
Mnistry ; pubUc opinion is often expressed in the elections ; 
and the members of the Cabinet are almost uniformly men 
of high character and integrity. The two party leaders, who 
were almost continuously and alternately at the head of the 
Government, hved very plainly ; Sagasta died a poor man, 
and Canovas only enjoyed wealth in the last few years of his 
life through a rich wife. 

^^^lile the lower house of the Cortes, the Chamber of 
Deputies, is elective, and usually changes with each new 
Ministry, the Senate is a much more stable body. It is made 
up of three approximately equal elements — first, those who 
hold seats in their o's^ti right, as certain of the hereditary 
nobility, archbishops, field-marshals, etc. ; second, life mem- 
bers appointed by the Crown; and, third, elective members 
chosen for ten years by corporations of the State, namely, 
the Council of State, the judiciary, universities, bar and 
medical associations, etc. The Senate is seldom an obstruc- 
tion to legislation, as it usually follows the action of the 
Deputies. 

The grandees, to entitle them to seats, must show that 
they possess an income of not less than twelve thousand 
doUars and pay certain fees. Many of them, in their impover- 
ished condition, cannot show such an income or are not will- 
ing to pay the hea\^ fees, and hence do not qualify. My 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 287 

attention was attracted to the comparatively slight influence 
exercised upon the politics of the nation by the Spanish 
nobility, who in the palmy days of the Peninsula were the 
great bulwark of the throne. In the ministries of my time 
there were few grandees to be found, and in none of them did 
the nobihty exercise a commanding influence. 

The opening of the first session of the Cortes is quite a 
brilhant affair and attracts general attention. The King and 
Queen and the Infantas, accompanied by the court ladies, 
go from the palace to the Chamber of Deputies in antique 
state carriages, each drawn by six white horses, and escorted 
by a detachment of cavalry, the streets through which they 
pass being lined with masses of people. The Diplomatic 
Corps are invited to attend in uniform, the ladies in court 
dresses, with white mantillas over their heads, and a tribune 
is provided for them adjoining the Throne. Every seat in the 
chamber is occupied and the galleries are crowded with the 
6hte of Spanish society. The King and Queen are seated on 
the royal dais and the Infantas below them, supported by 
the members of the Cabinet and the court ladies. The prin- 
cipal ceremony is the reading by the King of the speech pre- 
pared for him by the Ministry. Altogether it constitutes one 
of the most attractive monarchical pageants to be seen in 

Europe. 

The newspapers of Madrid exercised an important influ- 
ence upon public affairs. They were quite numerous and 
represented all shades of political sentiment. In my time 
telegraphic news was very limited, but they were ably edited, 
and much attention was given to the debates in the Cortes 
and to political questions. The Government possessed the 
power of a severe censorship, but it was seldom enforced, and 
the liberty of discussion was freely exercised. A specialty 
of the Capital were the comic papers, which often contained 
excellent cartoons, generally of a pohtical nature. Long 
before they became common in the United States the Span- 



288 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS] 

ish papers were producing cartoons, and no one prominent 
in public life long escaped their notice. 

During the turbulent times of Isabella, and up to the 
reestablishmcnt of the monarchy under Alfonso XII, the 
army was the principal root or instrument of the troubles 
of Spain ; and revolutionary movements during my residence, 
to which I have referred, all had their origin in the army. 
Its reorganization was recognized by all intelligent states- 
men as a pressing necessity, but even the most liberal min- 
istries have found it a very difficult problem. And, besides, 
it did not as a rule suit their purposes to effect any great 
reform, as it was through the army they in large measure 
manipulated the elections. Through the army also all 
important changes of government have been brought about. 

In my day the Spanish army numbered about 75,000 men, 
but it had more generals than Germany or France. The sta- 
tistics of that time showed a total of 20,500 officers. There 
was a captain-general for every 11,000 soldiers including 
non-commissioned officers, one lieutenant-general for every 
1000, a major-general for 693, a brigadier-general for 271, a 
colonel for 195, lieutenant-colonel for 99, major for 42, cap- 
tain for 18, lieutenant for 15, ensign for 6. These figures 
alone were a sufficient justification for the demand of Liberal 
statesmen for a reform of the army, without the necessity 
of a reference to the deplorable history of the country in 
recent times occasioned by it. 

The religious question has always plaj^ed an important 
part in Spanish politics. Since the extermination of the Pro- 
testants by the Inquisition under Phifip II, the country has 
remained almost wholly Catholic, and has been one of the 
most devoted adherents of the Pope and his temporal power. 
After the overthrow of Isabella II, liberty of worship was 
proclaimed, but only temporarily, as with the reestablish- 
mcnt of the Bourbons in the person of Alfonso XII, the su- 
premacy of the Catholic Church was recognized. The article 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 289 

of the Constitution of 1876 on the subject, still in force, is as 
follows: "The Cathohc ApostoHc Roman rehgion is that of 
the State. The nation obligates itself to maintain the wor- 
ship and its ministers. No person shall be molested in the ter- 
ritory of Spain for his religious opinions, nor for the exercise 
of his particular worship, saving the respect due to Christian 
morality. Nevertheless, no other ceremonies nor manifesta- 
tions in pubhc will be permitted than those of the religion of 
the State." 

This article has been the subject of much discussion, and 
its somewhat ambiguous and evasive character has enabled 
the different Ministries to place upon it a liberal or restrict- 
ive character, as suited their purposes. It was in my day 
construed to prevent any outward manifestation of Protest- 
ant worship. No church edifice could be erected, nor could 
any sign be placed on the outside of a house in which such 
worship was held ; and no bell-ringing or religious procession 
on the streets was allowed to Protestants. The British Gov- 
ernment provided a chaplain to its Legation, but as there 
was no suitable room for public service in the Legation pre- 
mises, a hall was rented in a private house, but no outw^ard 
sign was allowed on the street to direct the worshipers to it. 
It was the custom of my family to attend this chapel or the 
Protestant Spanish service, which was hkewise held in a 
private house. 

While considerable freedom of the press was allowed in 
political matters, no attacks were permitted on church 
dogma or the clergy. A case came under my observation of 
the arrest and condemnation to two years' imprisonment of a 
native pastor for publishing a reply to an attack of a priest 
on the Protestants. An intelligent Spanish statesman once 
remarked to an American diplomat, in discussing the article 
of the Constitution above quoted: "The provision for free- 
dom of worship in the Constitution is a mere abstract pro- 
position — it can never have any practical value except for 



290 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

foreigners. I cannot conceive of a Spaniard being anything 
but a Catholic." 

The experience of one of the secretaries who sensed under 
me in the Legation illustrates the strictness with which the 
laws relating to the Church were enforced. He became 
enamoured of a Spanish young lady, who had been baptized 
in the Catholic Church, but as he had been reared in the 
Presb}i:erian Church he was unwilling to be married by 
the priests, with Cathohc ceremonies, and desired to have the 
marriage in conformitv with the ci\'il forms and bv a Pro- 
testant clergyman, to which the young lady was agreed. He 
went to the authorities and procured all the forms and in- 
structions required, to conform to which two months were 
consumed in securing the necessary certificates. 

VThen he thought all was in due form and they were ready 
to be married, the magistrate discovered that there was a 
law which forbade a Protestant from marrying a Cathohc. 
He thereupon had to resort to the Minister of Foreign .\ffairs 
to have the King call a Council of State and issue a royal 
decree, thereafter permitting Protestants and Catholics to 
marry by civil process. This consumed more weeks, but 
served the good purpose of modifpng the old law. The 
Secretary said the documents and certificates he was re- 
quired to procure made a pile a foot high, and as all had to 
be on stamped paper the cost to him for stamps amounted 
to about sixty dollars. 

The expense and delay in these ceremonies are not con- 
fined to the persons who resort to the ci\'il marriage, but like- 
wise attend those performed by the Cathohc clergj'. In the 
vicar's office a fee of twelve dollars was charged. An extra 
fee of thirty dollars was charged if haste was desired by the 
omission of the publication of the banns, and the priest who 
performed the ceremony received six dollars. The delays 
and expense attending marriages are the chief cause of the 
unlawful unions in Spain. The rate of illegitimacy is very 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AXD POLITICAL 291 

high in the country, especially in Madrid, where it was com- 
puted to be twenty per cent of the births. 

A notable religious event occurred during my residence in 
Spain. St, James the Greater, or Santiago, has been for ages 
the patron saint of the nation and his anniversary is always 
greatly honored. The Cathedral of Santiago in Galicia has 
been one of the most celebrated among the Catholic sanctu- 
aries as the burial-place of St. James. For many centuries 
an incessant stream of pilgrims flowed to this remote place, 
and especially the gallant young gentlemen, not only of 
Spain but of France and Italy, came in great numbers to 
pay due honors at the tomb of the great mihtant saint. On 
account of these pilgrimages a great number of wealthy 
monasteries were established, at which the pilgi'ims were 
entertained, and a thriving business was maintained. 

Up to comparatively recent times no one wished or dared 
to inquire as to the genuineness of the relics said to be repos- 
ing under the high altar, but in the iconoclastic period of the 
French Revolution doubts began to arise, and some uivesti- 
gation was made into the history of the Apostle James, the 
son of Zebedee. From the Gospel narratives he was found to 
be of a fiery temper, favored extreme measures, and was 
credited with worldly ambition ; all of which qualities fitted 
him to be the patron saint of Spain. But unfortunately the 
history of his career as an apostle after the death of his blas- 
ter was very defective, he being only twice mentioned, once 
just after the ascension, and then about ten yeare later when 
he was put to death by Herod. No Catholic writer of emin- 
ence asserted that there was any authentic history to show 
that he was ever in Spain, but there was an abmidance of 
legends to show that he brought the Gospel to its people, and 
it could not be proved that he was never in the Peninsula. 

Nevertheless the stream of pilgrimage in great measure 
ceased, the monasteries fell into decay, and Santiago lost 
much of its importance as a sanctuary. In this condition of 



292 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

affairs the energetic and pious Archbishop of Santiago set to 
work to estabUsh the authenticity of the sacred rehcs and 
restore the decaying fortunes of the cathedral and its ap- 
pendages. In excavating under the high altar the bones of 
three persons were discovered, and the Archbishop caused 
a proces verbal to be drawn up to show that they were the 
veritable remains of the Apostle James and his disciples 
Athanasius and Theodore, and this was transmitted to 
Rome. After four years of study by the Sacred Congregation 
of Rites, the Pope, on the twenty-second of May, 1884, con- 
firmed the proces verbal, and from one end of the Peninsula 
to the other there were great rejoicings, and the famous 
patron saint was restored to the confidence and veneration 
of the whole nation. It does not appear, however, that there 
has been a great revival of industries in the precincts of the 
sacred city of Santiago. The era of pilgrimages seemingly has 
passed. 

The devotion of the ruling political parties to the Church 
and their close attachment to the Papal Concordat have had 
more than one deleterious effect upon the country.' Probably 
the most serious of these is the illiterate condition of the 
people, Spain being the least educated of the nations of 
Western Europe. Such has not always been its condition. 
In the time of the Empire the Roman cities of the Peninsula 
were the centres of learning. The names of Lucan and Mar- 
tial, the Senecas and Quintilian, natives of Spain, bear evi- 
dence of the intelligence of its sons. During the Arab domin- 
ation its civilization, its universities, schools, and libraries 
were so celebrated that they were frequented by Christian 
students from all countries of Europe, while the latter slept 
in ignorance. In Spain the mediaeval Hebrew literature also 
reached its highest development. In its golden age, following 
the expansion in America, the universities of Spain were again 
the centres of learning, and the Spanish language and liter- 
ature, as well as its customs, controlled the Courts of Europe. 



SPAIN, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL 293 

Until very recently the education of the people has been 
under the control of the Church. Even so enlightened a 
statesman as Senor Canovas, at the restoration of the mon- 
archy, reversed the liberal policy as to educational matters 
which had been established after the expulsion of Isabella, 
and he caused a series of religious test acts to be passed and 
enforced them unflinchingly upon the universities and high 
schools. As a result a considerable number of professors who 
refused to submit, including some of the most eminent names 
in Spain, were ejected from their chairs and thrown into 
prison. Senor Juan F. Riano, who at various times was 
Director of Pubhc Instruction in the Sagasta ministries, 
sought to mitigate these enactments, and of late years the 
control of the Church in educational matters has been 
greatly curtailed. 

One of the most baleful results of this educational repres- 
sion is its influence upon Spanish women. They are naturally 
clever and more active in their intelligence than the men, but 
with rare exceptions they are almost entirely without a hb- 
eral education. I have noticed the intellectual activity of the 
Russian women and the great influence they have exercised 
upon European society. Such characteristics are seldom 
found among the Spanish women. In the tertulias and at 
dinner-parties there are bright, sprightly, and beautiful 
women, who make themselves entertaining with the current 
gossip, but rarely is one met who cares to indulge in intellect- 
ual conversation. 

But I found some notable exceptions. Dofia Emilia de 
Riaiio, the wife of the Director of Public Instruction, was the 
daughter of Seilor Gayangos, the most accomplished Arabic 
and Hebrew scholar of his day and a high authority and 
critic of art. She spent much time with her father in Eng- 
land, where she was chiefly educated. Her house in Madrid 
was filled with a rare collection of works of art and litera- 
ture, and her home was the resort of a company of Spanish 



294 DIPLO:\L\TIC ^lEMOIRS ] 

scholars and educated people, difficult to find in any other 
house in the Capital, and she was the central personage of 
that circle. Brilhant but modest in conversation, she was 
ready to discuss hterature, art, politics, and the world's 
affairs with an inteUigence seldom found in any society. My 
family and I were frequent visitors at her house and came 
to be greatly attached to her. ^\'alks with her through the 
picture-gallery of Madrid, the most notable in the worid, 
were red-letter days in our hves. Her knowledge of the porce- 
lains and ceramic art of Spain was very complete, and she 
had an intimate acquaintance with its literature. In passing 
through London on our way to Madrid, Mr. Lowell told us 
of Madame Riano, and gave me the following characteristic 
letter to her : 

Legation of the Untted States, 
London, May 30, 1883. 

Dear ^L^d.vme de Riaxo, — 

You will naturally (you who are so kind to Americans) 
come to know my friend General Foster, who is (I am glad to 
say) to be our Minister in Madrid, but that you may have that 
pleasure the sooner, and especially that he may have it, 
I give him this. I will tell you what you would never learn 
from him, that he has ser\'ed his country with great distinc- 
tion both in the army and in ci\'il hf e, and you know very 
well that I do not give anybody the chance of knowmg you 
unless they are themselves worth knowing. 

Mr. Foster brings with him his wife and daughter. Miss 
Xordhoff (daughter of an old friend of mine) also accom- 
panies him. You will be good to them for my sake, I am 
sure, till you learn to be for theirs. 

Sigue mejorandose mi mujer, quien ^ V"^ como siempre le 
manda recuerdos mas carinosos. En cuanto a mi, me pongo 
d sus pies de V^ y quedo. 

Su af™° y agradecido amigo, 

J. R. Lowell. 



SPAIN, SOCL\L AND POLITIC.IL 295 

Recalling our pleasant intercourse with ^Ir. Lowell during 
our frequent passages through London to and from the Con- 
tinent, an incident may be here noticed. He was always 
inviting us to dinner or to luncheon to meet his English 
friends, and one day he asked i\lrs. Foster if there was any 
one in London she would like especially to meet and he 
would see if he could arrange it. She replied that she was 
a great admirer of Tennyson and would rather meet him 
than any other person in England. He answered : ''You are 
a great admirer of Tennyson? AVill you take my advice? 
I doubtless could arrange a meeting for you, but I would 
advise against it, as your ideal of him might be dispelled 
if you meet him. Of late he has grown careless in his dress 
and cross. He has been much annoyed by Americans and 
other strangers coming to see him, and he is not alwaj'S 
polite, is gruff and sui-ly. We might strike him in fine 
humor, but more hkely not, and you would always regret 
the interview. So remember him as you have him in your 
imagination." 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE ROYAL FAMILY — DIPLOMATIC MATTERS 

It had been my determination when I brought the Cuban 
reciprocity treaty to Washington in December, 1884, not to 
return to Spain as Minister. In execution of this determina- 
tion I tendered my resignation to President Cleveland im- 
mediately after his inauguration. But aside from this 
determination on my part, it was to be expected that the 
new President would desire the resignation of all diplomatic 
officers, to enable him to fill those much-sought-for places 
with his partisan friends. 

In this view of the political situation, and while I was 
arranging to return to the practice of my profession in 
Washington, a few days after I had filed my resignation in 
the Department of State, I was invited by the new Secretary 
of State, Mr. Bayard, to dine with him. ^^Tien I went to his 
house I found I was the only guest and not even his family 
were at the table. It soon developed that he had taken this 
hospitable method of having a confidential interview with 
me. I had theretofore a slight acquaintance with him as 
a Senator, but he treated me with the utmost cordiality and 
confidence, and seemed well informed as to my diplomatic 
services. He told me that he had been requested by the 
President to express to me his earnest desire that I should 
continue in the service and return to my post at Madrid. 
He said the commercial treaty for Cuba and Porto Rico 
which I had negotiated did not commend itself to the Presi- 
dent in the schedules of articles for reciprocal exchange, as 
he favored a different tariff policy; but he found that the 
treaty had many desirable features for the improvement of 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 297 

our commercial relations with those islands; that he was 
desirous of having them carried out ; and if I should consent 
to return to Madrid he would intrust me with the mission 
of securing a modification of the treaty to conform to his 
views. 

I expressed my high appreciation of the confidence reposed 
in me by the President and the honor he proposed to bestow 
upon me, but stated that two obstacles stood in the way. 
First, I did not desire to continue longer in the service, and, 
second, I hardly thought the Spanish Government would 
care for a commercial treaty with the reciprocity provisions 
stricken out. The result, however, of a long conversation was 
that I consented to return to Madrid, with the understanding 
that after I had sounded the Government and my surmise 
as to its attitude should be found to be correct, I could again 
tender my resignation at my convenience and it would then 
be accepted. 

As there was no occasion for haste in reaching Madrid, 
I entered Spain from Southern France, spent some time in 
Barcelona and other points of interest in the province of 
Catalonia, and also visited Valencia. During my previous 
residence I had made excursions to all other parts of the 
Peninsula except the distant Asturias, and with this latter 
tour I had become acquainted by personal contact with this 
beautiful, interesting, and romantic country. 

I was quite civilly received on my return to Madrid by 
the Ministry, but there was a manifest feeling of disappoint- 
ment at the failure of the treaty. It was understood, how- 
ever, that the change of parties in the United States and the 
adoption of a different tariff policy had been the main cause 
of this failure. The Minister of State and Senor Canovas 
promised to take up with me at an early day the negotia- 
tions for a new commercial treaty, but I saw that, as usual, 
I should have to exercise patience. 

During this period of waiting I had a further opportunity 



298 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

of seeing Madrid society and the Court. Acquaintance with 
the royal family of Spain was an interesting experience for 
the resident diplomat. None of the monarchs of Europe were 
weighed down with such a wretched family history as 
Alfonso XII on his accession to the throne. The miserable 
reign of Ferdinand had been followed by the regency of his 
wife Christina, one of the most dissolute of royal women. 
Isabella II became successor to the throne at the age of three 
years, and passed through a training that well fitted her to 
eclipse her mother in immoral living. We recall the estimate 
which Washington Irving gave of Isabella the Catholic as 
'Hhe most beautiful of historical characters, the purest 
sovereign who ever sat upon a throne, and . . . also one of 
the most enlightened," and we sympathize with the proud 
race which saw its once mighty sceptre in such degenerate 
hands. 

Certainly if heredity can blight a life, Don Alfonso was 
greatly handicapped in moral qualities when he ascended the 
throne of Spain. He was proclaimed King at the age of 
seventeen, having spent much of his youth in exile. I vividly 
recall an after-dinner speech which I heard him deliver at 
one of the banquets in honor of the Crown Prince of Ger- 
many. In toasting his ''cousin" the Prince, he contrasted 
their lives, and expressed regret that he had been called to 
rule over his people at the early age of seventeen with no 
experience or training, while the Crown Prince would enter 
on his duties as Emperor in the ripeness of age with many 
long years of preparation, for which he should be grateful. 
Few of his subjects know how deeply he had felt his respons- 
ibility and how difficult the pathway he had to tread had 
been. It was so modestly and sincerely spoken that it made 
a deep impression on all who heard it. Emperor William of 
Germany, at the death of the King, spoke of the "true 
friendship " which existed between them, and added, " I 
recognized a young man ripe beyond his years, clearly com- 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 299 

prehending his difficult task and possessing an energy that 
promised a successful reign." 

Under the circumstances it was little less than remarkable 
that his reign should have proved so successful. I have 
already commended his conduct on special occasions of 
political importance. He had the wisdom to act at all times 
within his limited sphere as a constitutional sovereign, and 
carefully abstained from dictation or any attempt at control 
of political affairs. He was intelligent and kept himself 
fairly informed of public events. On a number of occasions 
he showed that he was possessed of personal bravery and 
self-control. He had pleasing mannere, an amiable disposi- 
tion, and made himself popular with his people. He was the 
subject of considerable scandal, not without some founda- 
tion. I find that, in commenting upon those stories at the 
time, I remarked in one of my letters that "a son of Isabella 
could hardly be a model husband." He had an untimely end, 
dying a few weeks after I bade him farewell on leaving Spain. 

Happily the death of the King did not bring disorder upon 
the country, which judging from its past history might have 
been anticipated. Queen Christina was named regent, and 
under Sagasta as Prime Minister the country readily recog- 
nized her authority. She proved herself well fitted for her 
trying duties. She belongs to the imperial family of Austria, 
her father being an uncle of the Emperor Francis Joseph. 
She received the best education the Empire could give, and 
having studious habits she kept up her acquaintance with 
literature and science, and spoke with accuracy German, 
French, English, and Spanish. Soon after assuming the 
regency, by prudence and tact in her relations with her ]\Iin- 
isters and by her intense devotion to her children, she over- 
came the national prejudice against her as "a foreigner," 
and when a few months after the death of the King a 
posthumous male heir to the throne was born she became 
enshrined in the affections of the entire nation. 



300 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

As under the constitution she could properly leave the 
government of the country to the Ministry, her chief duty 
was to her children, the two young princesses and the infant 
king. Prince Hohenlohe relates that after the burial of 
Alfonso XII, he had an interview with her, whom he had 
known in Austria, in which he spoke to her of the great satis- 
faction which her course had given the Spanish people, and 
she answered, "I shall know how to fulfill my duty towards 
my children." This she felt was the chief task she had to 
discharge. Mrs. Foster had several private interviews with 
her, and the children were almost the only topic of their 
conversation. In one of these conversations she told Mrs. 
Foster of the great interest she had taken in reading "Helen's 
Babies" to the two little princesses, and asked about other 
American juvenile literature. This afforded Mrs. Foster the 
occasion to procure from New York a selection, and among 
them an elegantly bound author's presentation copy of 
"Helen's Babies," which highly gratified the royal mother. 

Alfonso XII had three sisters, known in court language as 
The Infantas. The eldest, Doiia Isabel, made an unfortunate 
marriage with a member of the Neapolitan royal family, who 
committed suicide, and she returned to Madrid. She is not 
handsome, but quite intelligent, bright in conversation, very 
popular in society, and a good horsewoman. It was her great 
delight to drive a team of six well-groomed and sprightly 
mules at a dashing speed over the roads at La Granja. It 
was greatly to her honor as a Spanish Bourbon that no 
breath of scandal ever attached to her. 

The second Infanta, Maria de la Paz, was married to a 
Bavarian Prince the year of our arrival in Madrid. The royal 
pair were accustomed to return annually, and the young 
Prince honored the Diplomatic Corps with a reception, 
where we exchanged with him some flippant conversation. 

Doiia Eulalia, the youngest of the King's sisters, was quite 
attractive and pleasant. She established friendly relations 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 301 

with my daughters, who were often invited to the Palace for 
a cup of tea in her private apartments. It will be remem- 
bered that she represented the Queen-Regent at the Colum- 
bian Exposition at Chicago, and she had a similar representa- 
tion at Queen Victoria's Jubilee in London. On both occa- 
sions she acquitted herself with credit and proved a general 
favorite. Her marriage to her cousin, the son of the Duke of 
Montpensier, was not a happy one, and has not prevented 
her from being the subject of society gossip. 

One of the court ladies, attached to the Infanta Eulalia, 
was a woman of much strength of character and intelligence, 
the widow of the Marques Calderon de la Barca, who was for 
some years the Spanish Minister in Washington. She was 
Scotch by birth, but had passed much of her life in Washing- 
ton. Her sister was the author of ''Life in Mexico," one of 
the most interesting books ever written on that country, 
published in 1843 with a very commendatory preface by 
Prescott. Because of her former residence in Washington 
the Marquesa was on very friendly terms with our household, 
and through her we came to know much of the inner life of 
the Palace. 

On leaving Madrid for one of my visits to Washington, I 
offered my services for carrying some little packages to her 
relatives in the latter city, and also asked her for return 
orders from her kinsfolk. When I was about to return the 
Marchioness's nephew, a prominent lawyer in Washington, 
brought to my hotel a package ordered by her, saying he 
was afraid I did not know the weight of the obligation I had 
assumed ; which proved to be a soapstone griddle ! In writ- 
ing to my wife about it, the Marchioness said: "Mr. Foster 
can refuse nothing to me, a real American at heart. You will 
laugh when I tell you that he brings back for me, at the bot- 
tom of his trunk, a griddle, which is an impossible thing to 
find here. It is quite an event, a griddle brought across the 
Atlantic by an Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 



302 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

tentiary ! But it is to make American cakes on for the royal 
family I want it." 

For some years after Alfonso XII was crowned, his 
mother, the ex-Queen Isabella, was not permitted by Sefior 
Canovas to come to Madrid, fearing her evil influence over 
her son, and during his entire reign she lived either at her 
palace in the south of Spain or in Paris. During the later 
years of his reign the rule was relaxed and she made occa- 
sional visits to the Capital. On such occasions a book was 
kept at the Palace, where the Diplomatic Corps could call and 
inscribe their names, according to the custom in monarchical 
countries. I did not have sufficient respect for Her Majesty 
to pay her that honor, but I was made to suffer the penalty 
for my lack of courtesy. Whether or not she had noticed 
my omission I cannot say, but at one of the state balls in 
the Palace she inquired of the Introducer of Ambassadors if 
there was not a new American Minister and expressed a 
desire to meet me. Whereupon this functionary conducted 
myself, wife, and daughters into the presence of the famous 
Isabella and presented us, and to my relief she made herself 
quite agreeable. 

Carl Schurz, who was the American Minister in 1861 when 
she was at the height of her prosperity and sensual life, refers 
to her as "the gay Isabella, the dissoluteness of whose life 
was so universally admitted that it may be said to have been 
accepted history." Of her imbecile husband, Don Francisco 
de Asis, he writes: "His only political function consisted in 
presenting himself to the world as the oflEicial father of 
Isabella's children." Her evil influence upon the Govern- 
ment and her people cannot be disguised, but when we 
remember her father's sensuality and dissipation and the 
neglect of her wicked mother in her infancy, we are moved 
to throw a mantle of charity over her life and to remember 
rather her cordial manner, her great amiability, and the 
generosity for which she was distinguished. 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 303 

The royal family is quite a tax upon the Government treas- 
ury, but not more heavy than that of most monarchies. The 
appropriations for this purpose in 1885, the year of the 
King's death, were as follows: The King, $1,400,000; the 
Queen, $90,000; the Princess of Asturias (then the heir 
apparent), $100,000; the Infanta Isabel, $50,000; the two 
younger Infantas, Paz and Eulalia, $30,000 each ; Duchess of 
Montpensier, $50,000 ; ex-Queen Isabella, $150,000 ; and the 
ex-King consort, $60,000 ; making the total sum for the royal 
family $1,960,000. In addition to these revenues the King, 
the Queen, and the ex-Queen were possessors of large private 
estates. 

''Following the Court," especially in the summer vacation, 
has been an established custom in Spain for centuries, when 
the Diplomatic Corps accompanies the King on changing his 
residence from the Capital to one of his country palaces. 
John Jay, the first American Minister sent to Spain, back in 
the eighteenth century wrote to the Continental Congress 
of the great additional expense the custom brought upon 
him, and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of that body 
availed of it to obtain a larger appropriation for the mission. 
The practice had somewhat fallen into desuetude with the 
Diplomatic Corps in my day, as its members generally pre- 
ferred to take their vacations in European watering-places 
or elsewhere; but its observance was much appreciated by 
the Court, and during the three summers I passed in Spain 
I "followed" the King each year to La Granja, and, as I 
reported to the Department of State, "remained there for 
so long a time as appeared necessary to manifest a due re- 
spect for his Majesty." 

San Ildefonso, or La Granja (the grange), as it is com- 
monly called, a royal palace about forty miles from Madrid, 
has been for nearly two centuries a favorite summer resort 
of the royal family. It is situated in the fastnesses of the 
Guadaramas, that picturesque range of mountains which 



304 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

adorns the landscape to the north of Madrid, four thousand 
feet above the sea and in the midst of pine forests. It is the 
creation of Phihp V, the fii'St Bourbon King of Spain. Its 
chief glory is its garden, patterned after that at Versailles, 
and the special feature is the great array of fountains of art- 
istic design and workmanship. They have a great advant- 
age over those of Versailles in the abundant supply of clear 
water fresh from the mountain streams. 

The life of the Court at La Granja is much more simple 
and informal than at Madrid. Uniform is dispensed with, 
the entertainments at the Palace have less of an official air 
about them, and the royal family mingle more freely with 
the Diplomatic Corps and summer residents. Some of the 
fountains play every day in the season, and are a never- 
failing source of attraction. Daily about noon there was held 
in the royal garden what is called a ''corro," a social gather- 
ing of the ladies and gentlemen of the village to have a 
morning talk and listen to the music. Usually the King, 
Queen, or the Infantas joined it. The afternoons were de- 
voted to driving and riding or foot excursions into the moun- 
tains. At night, if there was no entertainment at the Palace 
or at some of the villas, the little theatre offered a simple 
amusement. One of the villas was that of Herr Bauer, the 
Spanish representative of the Rothschilds, a famous enter- 
tainer. 

The King maintained a game preserve or royal forest in 
the mountains a few miles away, with a good supply of deer 
and wild boars. The gentlemen fond of the sport were fre- 
quently invited to accompany the King on shooting-parties, 
and the Queen, members of the Court, and Diplomatic Corps 
sometimes joined them for a picnic. 

Excursions were easily made to Segovia, six miles from 
La Granja, a former capital of Spain. It has lost much of its 
ancient glory and prosperity, but it is still one of the most 
interesting cities of the Peninsula. Its three attractive feat- 




ALFONSO XIII, QUEEN REGENT 
AND INFANTAS OF SPAIN 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 305 

ures are monuments of three stages of its earlier history. 
The aqueduct of Trajan is one of the best preserved of the 
works of the Roman builders. The cathedral is one of the 
choicest specimens of Gothic architecture. And the Alcazar, 
though much in decay, is still a striking evidence of the taste 
and power of the Moorish domination. 

After the death of Alfonso XII, La Granja ceased, during 
the sixteen years of the regency of Queen Christina, to be the 
summer residence of the Court, Her Majesty having taken a 
dislike to it and spending much of her time at the charming 
seaside resort of San Sebastian, adjoining Biarritz. The gos- 
sips attributed this dislike to the King's freer indulgences 
in his mountain retreat. It was from here the Queen took 
her journey to Vienna, whence, it was reported, she had re- 
solved never to return to Spain. But if she ever formed such 
a resolution, reasons of state led to her return. The ''Castle 
in the Air," as La Granja is sometimes termed, has of late 
been restored to favor, as the young King Alfonso XIII spent 
here his honeymoon, and he is likely to make it again the 
royal summer residence. 

It has been intimated already that I encountered much 
difficulty in bringing the Spanish Government to any satis- 
factory settlement of the complaints of American shipowners 
for losses and injuries sustained through the harsh measures 
of the colonial authorities. In one of these cases, however, 
I was completely successful, but my success does not inure 
so much to the credit of the Spanish Government as to the 
effectiveness of arbitration. The Masonic, an American ves- 
sel, was seized and confiscated by the customs authorities 
of the PhiUppine Islands for an alleged shortage in its cargo. 
The owner obtained a decision of the highest court of Spain 
that the confiscation was illegal, the President had twice 
referred to it in messages to Congress, and for five years the 
Legation at Madrid had been laboring ineffectively to secure 
indemnification. The owner of the vessel offered to accept 



306 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

$49,000, but the Spanish Government was unwilling to pay 
more than $9000. 

Finally by mutual agreement the case was submitted to 
arbitration, the Minister of State in the note consenting to 
such a settlement, complimenting me personally by saying 
that the Government of His Majesty desired thus "to give 
a proof of the appreciation which it has of the friendly con- 
duct of your official relations in this Court." Baron Blanc, 
the Italian Minister at Madrid, was selected as a sole arbiter, 
and just before my final departure from Spain he rendered 
his decision, awarding the claimant $51,674, and the award 
was promptly paid by the Spanish Government. Baron 
Blanc had served previously as Italian Minister in Washing- 
ton with much credit and had married an American lady of 
wealth. 

There was no American colony in Madrid, — only two or 
three dentists, — and at that time only a few American 
tourists. I was not often troubled with social questions, 
which sometimes bring perplexity to the diplomatic repre- 
sentative in European capitals where Americans congregate 
in considerable numbers. I was able to meet the expecta- 
tions of my countrymen with one exception. The state ball 
given in honor of the Crown Prince of Germany was a special 
event in European society. On the day before it took place 
a young man from Boston appeared at my Legation and 
asked for invitations to the ball for himself and his two 
sisters. I explained to him the strict rules of the Court, and 
that, besides, it was then too late to make an application. 
At first he was surprised, and finally became indignant, that 
he should be refused, notwithstanding the fact that he brought 
no letter of introduction, and did not even present a pass- 
port. He had made the journey, he said, all the way from 
London for the express purpose of attending the ball, some 
Italians on the train with him were to be invited by their 
Minister, and he did not see whv the American Minister could 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 307 

not procure invitations for him. He left Madrid, in high 
dudgeon, vowing vengeance on me at Washington, but 
nothing further was heard of him. 

One of the duties of American Ministers for years has 
been to guard their countrymen from frauds sought to be 
perpetrated by a band of shrewd swindlers in Spain who 
have accomplices in the United States. Warnings have from 
time to time been issued by the Department of State, but 
that does not suffice to prevent unwary Americans from 
occasionally being victimized. It became my duty more than 
once to prevent guileless Americans from making the long 
journey to Spain or remitting money to the conspirators, 
in the hope of a fortune. A case that occurred during my 
Ministry will illustrate the character of the frauds, which 
assumed various forms. 

A well-to-do farmer in Pennsylvania, to whom I shall give 
the name of Smith, received a letter dated at "Castle Fort 
de Valencia," with a Spanish postmark. The writer, Manuel 
Garcia, it stated, was imprisoned on an eighteen-year political 
sentence for helping the oppressed Cuban revolutionists. Es- 
caping from the island with his fortune, amounting to thirty- 
nine thousand pounds sterling, he deposited it in the Bank of 
England, taking a certificate of deposit. He had married in 
Cuba an American woman, who claimed to be a relative of 
Mr. Smith, and who had died leaving an only daughter, 
Emily, who was at school in Spain. Greatly desiring to see 
this daughter, Garcia made a secret visit to Spain, was dis- 
covered, arrested, and condemned to imprisonment. His 
portmanteau, a secret pocket of which contained the certifi- 
cate of deposit for the thirty-nine thousand pounds sterling, 
was held for costs by the court. Would Mr. Smith, for the 
sake of his relationship to the wife, pay the court costs, 
release the portmanteau, and take charge of the little 
daughter? 

This letter was followed in a short time by a letter from 



308 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the "chaplain of the prison," conveying the news of the sad 
and sudden death of Garcia, after leaving a will giving to Mr. 
Smith one fourth of the estate and the guardianship of the 
daughter with the balance. The chaplain sent a copy of the 
will, duly stamped and certified, as also an imposing-looking 
certificate from the court, setting forth the foregoing facts, 
and that one hundred and eighty-five pounds sterling were 
necessary in order to redeem the portmanteau ; and if that 
sum were not received within forty-nine days the baggage 
would be sold. The chaplain in addition sent a patriotic, 
misspelled note from little Emily, on a letter-head of the 
*' Colegio Anglo-Espanol," and a photograph of herself. 

Smith submitted the documents to a local attorney, who 
pronounced them in proper form. The chaplain had sug- 
gested that he remit the necessary amount at once, but 
upon the advice of the lawyer Smith prepared to go in person 
to Spain and attend to the business himself. But an after- 
thought suggested the precaution of first going to Washing- 
ton and consulting his Congressman. The latter took him 
to the Department of State and to the Spanish Legation, 
at both of which places the fraud was exposed and Smith 
was saved the expense of the long journey across the Atlantic. 

During my last summer in Spain, in 1885, the country 
was afflicted with a terrible visitation of the cholera. It 
began in the Mediterranean ports to the south, and gradually 
advanced north until late in the summer, when it had cov- 
ered almost the entire Peninsula. The Diplomatic Corps, as 
usual in the summer, took their vacation abroad, and I was 
left almost alone in the Capital without colleagues ; but as I 
was anxious to conclude as soon as possible the special work 
assigned me by Secretary Bayard, I felt it my duty to remain 
near the Ministry. I thus had an opportunity to study closely 
the destructive scourge. The account of its ravages in the 
south of Spain created much apprehension at first, but as it 
gradually approached the Capital the fears of the more intel- 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 309 

ligent part of the populati'on in great measure subsided, and 
for some weeks we endured the presence of the pestilence 
with composure. 

The press of Madrid contained daily accounts of its pro- 
gress throughout the kingdom, and the Government pub- 
lished a daily summary of the reports of fatalities received, 
thus making it the general topic of news and of conversa- 
tion. The detailed accounts from many localities were heart- 
rending. Granada was one of the places where the plague 
was most severely felt, as many as two hundred and sixty 
deaths being reported daily ; the panic was so great the muni- 
cipal government became paralyzed, medical aid was greatly 
insufficient, the poor were reported as dying like rats, and 
it was almost impossible to have the dead buried. The bodies 
were thrown into common carts, drunken drivers were im- 
pressed from the state prison, and the dead were buried in 
great pits. There were, however, acts of heroic devotion 
by the priests and sisters of charity, and the archbishop 
turned his palace into a hospital. 

It was stated that in many places when the pestilence 
broke out whole villages were deserted, leaving the dead un- 
buried. In others the panic was so great the merchants and 
shopkeepers closed their stores, the well-to-do people fled, 
and it became almost impossible to obtain food and supplies, 
so that starvation was added to disease. In one town six 
hundred cases were reported and only one physician. In- 
stances were given where persons fleeing from an infected 
district to one exempt were actually starved to death. In 
some provinces the authorities of each village had a cordon 
thrown about it, so that travel was almost entirely ob- 
structed. Added to this was the strict quarantine and fumi- 
gation, the latter being so severe and unscientific that many 
deaths were caused by it. I had occasion during the epidemic 
to go from Madrid to La Granja to see the Minister of State 
and was subjected to the fumigation, which in my case was 



310 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

made comparatively light, but I found it sufficiently dis- 
agreeable. My opinion was that the only benefit of such 
fumigation was to calm somewhat the fears of the people of 
the exempt district. 

The unhappy condition of the country was greatly ag- 
gravated by the ignorance and superstition of the lower 
classes. With them a great prejudice existed against the 
physicians ; they refused to receive their visits or take their 
medicines, beheving that the doctors were sent to kill them 
and that the medicines were poison, and so they died like 
beasts. In La Granja, the seat of the royal family, the belief 
was entertained that the physicians had two medicines, a 
black powder to kill and a white powder to cure, and that 
they selected their subjects. In some districts of Barcelona 
the physicians could not make their visits unless guarded by 
two pohcemen. Nor was Madrid any exception; persons 
attacked with the cholera being taken to the hospitals were 
rescued by mobs of working-women because they believed 
they were going there to be killed ; and owing to the panic 
and want of system the press reported that scores of bodies 
remained in the cemetery grounds of Madrid exposed for six 
or eight days before being buried. The only remedy of the 
common people seemed to be to get the Holy Virgins out 
of the churches and parade them in immense processions 
about the streets. 

As the pestilence affected all the concerns of the people, 
so also it was an element of discord and danger to the Gov- 
ernment. The provincial authorities, influenced by the local 
press, established such unreasonable quarantines and re- 
strictions that the Central Government had to interfere in 
order to prevent a complete paralyzation of business and 
travel. This led to open disobedience and revolt in such im- 
portant centres as Sevilla and Malaga ; governors had to be 
removed and new ones substituted, and the mihtary brought 
into requisition to enforce the orders of the Government. 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 311 

A ministerial crisis was brought on by the first announce- 
ment of the presence of the cholera in Madrid, which it was 
urged should not have been made because of its effect on 
business. In the midst of the distress and excitement the 
King showed much calmness, courage, and sympathy, going 
in person with members of his Court and Cabinet to the 
most afflicted provinces to give confidence to the people, 
and remaining in Madrid during its prevalence there. 

I quote the following from one of the Madrid papers, as 
showing the sentiment of the more intelligent portion of the 
public on the deplorable situation: "Religion, humanity, 
love of one's neighbor, and the light of civihzation demand 
that men and communities should not treat each other as 
wild beasts, but as brothers ; as co-partners in affliction and 
mutual helpers in their misfortunes. The cordons and laz- 
arettos, as enforced in Andalusia and other regions, are the 
height of inhumanity and degeneracy. They may recall the 
dark days of the Middle Ages, but they are a disgrace to the 
broad light of the nineteenth century ; we resemble the state 
of barbarism which may separate us from European civihza- 
tion." But in their misfortunes the Spanish people were not 
unlike other civiHzed races. If we read the account given by 
McMaster, in his "History of the People of the United 
States," of the epidemic of yellow fever when it visited Phil- 
adelphia m 1793, we shaU find a state of affairs much re- 
sembling that which existed in Spain in 1885. 

The number of deaths from cholera in the Peninsula during 
the prevalence of the plague, reported to the Government, 
amounted to 100,000, but the aggregate must have been con- 
siderably larger, as many fatahties were concealed by the 
lower classes. 'NMien the cholera devastated Europe in 1S31 
and 1832, the number of deaths in the British Islands 
amounted to only 52,500 in a much larger population. A 
member of the British Royal Commission sent to Spain to 
study the disease said to me that it was the greatest epidemic 



312 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

which had visited Europe since the Middle Ages. It awak- 
ened general sympathy throughout the world, I was in- 
structed by the Secretary of State "to convey to His Ma- 
jesty, in the name of the President, the deep sympathy which 
the people and the Government of the United States bear 
towards the sorrowing people of Spain by reason of the great 
calamity that rests upon them, and express our prayerful 
hope that the dark cloud of pestilence may soon be lifted from 
the nation." This message of the President I delivered to the 
King in person when I took leave of him at the termination of 
my mission. 

The preoccupation of the Government with the cholera 
and other matters made it difficult for me to secure its atten- 
tion to the modification of the Cuban commercial treaty, but 
when I finally brought the Ministers of State and the Colo- 
nies to a consideration of the subject, it soon became appar- 
ent that the changes desired by Secretary Bayard could not 
be secured. The failure to bring about the ratification of 
that treaty by the Senate made them hesitate to enter upon 
another treaty on that subject, lest it should meet the same 
fate, and the reciprocal exchange of products which Secretary 
Bayard wished to have omitted was the feature which was 
most valued by Spain ; hence, there was no common ground 
upon which to base a negotiation. 

As there was, therefore, no reason on that account why I 
should continue my stay, I tendered my resignation a second 
time to President Cleveland, which was accepted. After con- 
cluding the business attending the arbitration of the Masonic 
claim and other pending questions, I was received by the 
King in a farewell audience, in which he spoke in kindly 
terms of my relations with his Government and expressed re- 
gret at my departure; and on September 1, 1885, I turned 
over the Legation to the Secretary, Edward H. Strobel, and 
left Madrid. 

Mr. Strobel had been appointed by President Cleveland, 



THE ROYAL FAMILY 313 

and had only recently arrived, but he acquitted himself with 
credit, which gave earnest of his future success. He was bom 
in South Carolina and graduated from the academic and law 
departments of Harvard University, sustaining himself by 
tutoring and by prizes and scholarships gained during his 
course. He served afterwards as an Assistant Secretary of 
State and Minister to Chili, and for some years filled the chair 
of international law at Harvard. He was called thence to the 
post of Diplomatic Adviser to the King of Siam, and had be- 
fore him a useful career, when he died suddenly while holding 
that post. 

After leaving Madrid there happened a curious sequel to 
my experience with the cholera. A news cablegram was pub- 
lished in the American papers on September 9 that I had been 
attacked with the cholera and would not recover. My family 
and friends were naturally much concerned and cablegrams 
were dispatched to Madrid, but answers were returned that 
I was not in that city. I had planned a hurried visit to 
Athens and Constantinople before returning home ; at the 
time of the report I was out of telegraphic communication, 
and some days elapsed before the rumor could be shown to 
be untrue. William E. Forster, a well-known statesman of 
England, at the time lay on his dying bed, and the news 
cablegram received in New York stated that there was no 
hope of his recovery. The brief item underwent the process 
of "padding" in the New York office by a clerk who was 
more acquainted with my existence than with that of my 
English namesake. 

My retirement from the Legation at Madrid closed my 
diplomatic services as a Resident Minister abroad. For a 
second time I entered upon the labors of my profession, 
little thinking there was still before me a much more varied 
diplomatic career. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 

Six years after I closed my mission to Spain, I was delegated 
by our Government to make a visit to Madrid on official 
business, the character of which will be stated in the next 
chapter. It was my desire and hope that the business which 
brought me to Spain should be dispatched with much 
promptness, so that my absence from Washington should 
be as brief as possible. 

But I had taken little note of the calendar, and reached 
Madrid on the eve of Holy Week. It reflected poorly upon my 
habit of observation that after ten years' residence in the 
lands of the "Mother Church," I should have planned a 
hurried visit so as to reach the country so noted for its holi- 
days on the eve of the most sacred and most prolonged of the 
Church festivals. I soon discovered that, however urgent in 
my own estimation my business, it must patiently wait till 
the solemn and sacred festival week was entirely passed. 

Having, therefore, seven days of absolute leisure on my 
hands I had a better opportunity than had ever before been 
afforded me to see the various ceremonies of Easter Week, 
which are observed in this devout Roman Catholic country 
probably with more zeal and solemnity than in any other part 
of the world. We have seen that by the express provision of 
the existing constitution the Roman Cathohc is made the 
state religion and the observance of all other religions is pro- 
hibited in public, so that in the whole land there was not 
found a single dissenting church edifice. The Catholic Church 
is not only made the state religion by law, but it is enshrined 
in the hearts of the great mass of the population, and they 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 315 

enter with pious zeal into the observance of this great festival 
of the Church. 

As may be inferred from what I have already said, all of- 
ficial public business, except of the most urgent character, is 
suspended during the entire week. From Wednesday to Sat- 
urday the national flags on all public buildings are displayed 
at half-mast, in remembrance of the sufferings and death of 
our Lord. On Thursday and Friday public locomotion in the 
city is paralyzed by the suspension of traffic on the street-car 
lines and by public cabs of all kinds, and not a single private 
carriage or horseman is allowed on the streets without a 
special permit, and this only on account of sickness or some 
other equally urgent cause. On these two days all business 
houses are closed, the population generally, and especially 
the women, array themselves in black, and a Puritanic Sab- 
bath stillness (the Spanish Sabbath is not quiet) pervades 
the streets. The newspapers appear as usual, but their char- 
acter is greatly changed, as a large part of their columns is 
given up to the publication of sermons and religious litera- 
ture, and to notices of religious ceremonials and meetings of 
almost infuiite variety in the churches and elsewhere. One 
of the favorite articles, generally regarded by the Protestant 
world as apocryphal, which is reproduced each year, is the 
famous letter of Publius Lentulus, Governor of Judea, ad- 
dressed to the Roman Senate, giving a detailed account of 
Jesus Christ, with a minute description of his person, phys- 
ical characteristics, and bearing. The theatres are open the 
greater part of the week, but here too a marked transforma- 
tion takes place, as they are almost wholly devoted to religious 
and morality plays, many of them of a spectacular character, 
and produced in much the same spirit as at Ober-Ammergau. 
I give a translation of one of the theatrical advertisements 
which appeared in the Madrid papers on Easter Saturday : 
*' Theatre of Prince Alfonso. To-morrow will be given in this 
theatre, afternoon and evening, the seventh and eighth re- 



316 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

presentations [it having been on the boards during the week] 
of the magnificent drama entitled The Death and Passion of 
Jesus, put on the stage with all the requisites called for by its 
interesting plot, concluding with the beautiful scene called 
The Resurrection of the Lord, in which our Lord will be seen 
to rise from the sepulchre and ascend amid the clouds to enjoy 
celestial glory, the whole being produced in a manner entirely 
befitting the subject." 

The members of the many royal and church orders hold 
their annual meetings during this week, and the daily press 
give special attention to their proceedings. For instance, I 
read an account of the annual convocation in one of the 
churches of the royal military pontifical Order of the Holy 
Sepulchre of Jerusalem. The church was decorated with the 
shields, banners, and white pennants, on which were displayed 
the traditional five red crosses of the Order, which numerous 
and most valiant trophies, it is said, recalled the memory of 
their glorious triumphs over the infidel horde, contending in 
that most holy land. A detailed account is given of the noted 
grandees who participated in the exercises, with their deco- 
rations and arms, among which was borne the rich sword of 
the Chapter, an exact copy of the one which was used by the 
most daring and pious Godfrey of Bouillon, the first King 
of Jerusalem, whose venerated sword is now guarded in the 
most holy sepulchre. The exercises concluded with the royal 
march of the knights and the battle-cry, "0, Lord, rescue the 
Holy Sepulchre," sounded by the crusaders in the assault and 
capture of the holy city. 

An interesting incident annually attending the religious 
ceremony in the Chapel of the Roj^al Palace on the morning 
of Good Friday is the long-established practice of the sover- 
eign granting a pardon to a number of criminals condemned 
to death, who are recommended to clemency by the Council 
of Ministers. In the act of the adoration of the cross, the 
Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo stepped down from the high 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 317 

altar, approached a table on which were laid nine rolls of 
parchment tied with black ribbons (the pardons), and laying 
his hand on these rolls, as his predecessors had done for three 
centuries, he said to the Queen Regent: "Seiiora, does Your 
Majesty grant pardon to these criminals ?" The Queen, hold- 
ing the hand of the little boy King by her side, replied: "I 
pardon them, and so may God pardon me." 

The procession of the Holy Burial, in imitation of that of our 
Lord, which took place on the afternoon of Good Friday, was 
the most noticeable of all the outdoor ceremonials of Holy 
Week. It assumed an official character, as it was headed by 
the civil governor of the Capital, accompanied by his staff, 
was reviewed by the Queen, Ministers of State, and court 
attendants from the Palace balconies, and embraced all the 
high clergy and various religious orders, with numerous bands 
of music playing solemn airs, and several moving platform 
scenes of the crucifixion, burial, and tomb. This and all the 
other ceremonies were participated in with the most devout 
and reverential spirit. 

But to me the most interesting of all the ceremonies was 
the "feet-washing." It is sought to make it as far as prac- 
ticable a reproduction and commemoration of the touching 
scene, as recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the Gospel of 
John, at the Last Supper, when Christ, rising from the table, 
took a towel and girded himself and washed the disciples' feet, 
and said, " If I, then, your Lord and Master, have washed your 
feet; ye also ought to wash one another's feet." The cere- 
mony took place in the Royal Palace on Thursday, and the 
Queen Regent, in the presence of the grandees, hierarchy, and 
the most splendid pageantry of the Court, personally and 
actually washed the feet of twelve of the poorest and most 
afflicted women to be found in the districts within reach of 
Madrid. It was intended to be an imposing lesson, given in 
the Palace by the Ruler of the Kingdom to all her subjects, 
that the religion of State enjoins upon the high, the rich, and 



318 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the prosperous, to search out the lowly and unfortunate 
about them and extend to them sympathy and relief. 

The ceremony was first introduced from Austria and es- 
tablished in Spain by the Emperor Charles V in the year 1547, 
and has been continuously observed since that date. In this, 
as in many other ways, Spain still shows the influence of this 
greatest of all Spanish rulers and the greatest, at his day, of 
all monarchs since Charlemagne, and with a far more wide- 
spread dominion — Emperor of Germany, King of Spain, of 
the Netherlands, of the greater part of Italy, and of the far- 
off dependencies of Mexico, Peru, and the other vast regions 
beyond the seas — the most magnificent empire on earth. 
This scene of the "feet-washing " more than any other revives 
the memories of the golden era in Spanish history. It also, 
more than any other, recalls the influences which have made 
the people of the Peninsula through the centuries the most 
devoted adherents of Holy Church. Its founder, Charles, was 
the great warrior of the Church. During the forty years of 
his reign he carried on a ceaseless war for the True Faith, 
on the one hand, against the Saracens, who, under Solyman 
the Magnificent, swept the Mediterranean with their fleets 
and pressed up to the very gates of Vienna with their con- 
quering armies; and on the other hand, against that able 
and intrepid heretic, Martin Luther, who dared to face His 
Majesty at the Diet of Worms and by his eloquent tongue 
and pen arrayed against him the half of Europe. 

This Defender of the Faith, at the brilliant ceremonial at 
Brussels, when he threw about the neck of his son and suc- 
cessor the sparkling jewel of the grand-mastership of the 
Golden Fleece and transferred to him his vast empire, en- 
joined upon him: "Above all, cherish the interests of relig- 
ion"; and in the last codicil to his will, with his old-time 
warrior spirit, he conjured him to exterminate every heretic 
in his dominions — a provision of his will which Philip ful- 
filled perhaps with greater exactness than any other. 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 319 

These and similar memories crowded themselves upon my 
thoughts as I ascended the grand stairway of the palace and 
entered the Salon of the Columns, the hall where the state 
balls are held, and where the "feet-washing" was to take 
place. The selection of the poor who were to participate in 
this pageant was made with care from the villages outside 
the Capital, and the greater portion of them were blind or 
deprived of other of the senses. They were brought to the 
Palace the day previous and first examined by the court 
physician to see that they had no contagious diseases. They 
were then given a bath under the supervision of the court 
apothecary, and each provided with a complete new suit of 
wearing apparel by the Chief Almoner of the Palace. WTien 
I entered the salon and was shown a seat on the platform 
provided for the Diplomatic Corps, the hall was already well 
filled with the high society of the Capital. Immediately in 
front of us was a long table with plates, etc., laid for thirteen, 
and on the opposite side of the hall was another table laid 
for twelve. Presently the poor who were to be the guests, 
entered, all old and feeble, thirteen men, each led by one of 
the noblemen of the kingdom in full court dress, and twelve 
women, led and assisted to their seats at the tables by twelve 
ladies of the Court in full evening costume with court trains. 
Soon after they were seated the royal procession entered, the 
two Chief Gentlemen of the Royal Household at the head, 
followed by the choir and clergy of the Chapel Royal and the 
hierarchy of the kingdom ; then Her Majesty the Queen, her 
train borne by the Royal Majordomo, Count Albareal de 
Tajo, and on her left the Monsignor Nuncio of His Holiness 
Leo XIII, followed by the grandees and other nobility of 
Spain. 

All the ladies and gentlemen who were spectators were 
dressed in black, as is the custom on Holy Thursday ; but the 
Queen, grandees, ladies of the Court, the Ministers of State, 
including the Diplomatic Corps, and all who participated in 



320 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

the exercises, were in full court dress, with all the gold lace, 
ribbons, and decorations of a gala day. 

Seldom is a more brilliant company gathered in the palace. 
A temporary royal dais occupied the centre of one side of the 
large hall, and at the right of it was the Diplomatic Corps 
and on the left the Ministers of State and the nobility. Most 
prominent and noticeable of these was the Prime Minister, 
Don Antonio Canovas del Castillo. Standing next to Cdnovas 
in the ministerial group was a man worth a passing notice. 
His family name will sound familiar to English-speaking 
people — it is Charles O'Donnel. He is the Minister of For- 
eign Affairs and has the title of Duke of Tetuan. His lineal 
ancestor bore a prominent part among the forces of James II 
in the battle of the Boyne, just two centuries ago ; and after 
the signal triumph of WiUiam III he fled from Ireland, and 
with other noble families established himself in Spain. The 
father of the present Charles O'Donnel was the famous Mar- 
shal O'Donnel of the turbulent times of Isabella II. He dis- 
puted for the Government in those days with the celebrated 
General Navaez, who was very vindictive in his triumphs 
and numbered the execution of his enemies by scores. It is 
related of Navaez that when he came to die, as the priest 
was about to administer the last sacraments, he appealed to 
the General, as his priestly duty required, to forgive his ene- 
mies before he passed into the other world. "Holy Father," 
interrupted the General, "I have none. I have shot them 
all!" 

Another person in the ministerial group attracts attention, 
a scholarly looking man, with piercing black eyes. It is Senor 
Silvela, the Minister of the Interior, next to Canovas the 
ablest man in the Cabinet, and who has since held the post of 
Prime Minister. His wife, one of the most beautiful and 
charming women in the court society, is the daughter of the 
Marquis of Loring, a name familiar to New England ears. 
Her great-grandfather was a Yankee sea-captain from Salem, 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 321 

Massachusetts, who about the first years of the last century 
in his swift-saihng chppers carried to Boston and New York 
the first of the delicious fruits of the Malaga coast. He grew 
rich, married a Spanish seiiorita, settled in Malaga, and his 
son, with true Yankee enterprise, made for himself a fortune 
and a title, and now the Marquis of Loring stands among the 
grandees, honored in all the Peninsula. 

The exercises of the "feet-washing" commenced with the 
Church service. Ante diem jestum Paschae, after which the 
ceremony of the washing began, and while it progressed the 
choir and officiating clergy chanted the prayers of the Ritual. 
The Queen, ungloving her hands, and imitating the Saviour, 
took a long towel, girded it partly around her waist, and 
passed over to the table where were seated the twelve poor 
women. One of the royal ladies preceding her, removed the 
shoe and stocking of each woman, another noblewoman held 
a silver basin. Her Majesty kneeling, the Papal Nuncio poured 
the water from a silver ewer upon the foot, and the Queen 
drying it with the towel, raised the foot to her lips and, it is 
presumed, kissed it ; but it was insisted by the lady witnesses 
who were near me that the Queen kissed her own thumb. 
Another lady of the nobility, following, replaced the stocking 
and shoe. 

All the noble ladies engaged in this act of service and 
humiliation bear titles which indicate great and valiant serv- 
ices to the Church and State. For instance, the lady who 
held the silver basin is the Marchioness of Santa Cruz, a name 
distinguished for centuries in Spanish history. It suggests an 
event appropriate to be recalled on this great day of the 
Church — the renowned naval battle of Lepanto, when that 
unique figure of the sixteenth century, Don John of Austria, 
the son of the man who established this ceremony of the 
** feet-washing," led the combined fieets of Christendom in 
a life-and-death struggle against the infidel Mustapha, the 
Moslem commander, who had conducted the famous siege at 



322 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

Malta. The historians of the period dehght to describe how 
those great fleets of more than three hundred vessels on each 
side, with two hundred thousand sailors, bore down upon 
each other in long extended lines of battle. Don John sent 
out this appeal to his followers : " You have come to fight the 
battle of the Cross ; to conquer or die. But whether you die 
or conquer, do your duty this day, and you will secure a 
glorious immortality." He and each commander on his re- 
spective prow, kneeling down and followed by his crew, 
prayed that the Almighty would be with his people on that 
day. And so they entered the battle, and it was reserved to 
the gallant and pious Marquis of Santa Cruz at the critical 
moment, when all seemed lost, to enter the fight and give a 
glorious victory to Don John, which decided the supremacy 
of the ocean and sent a thrill of joy and reUef throughout 
Christendom. Well might the Marchioness of Santa Cruz of 
to-day do honor by this service to the Church and cause which 
her family had so gloriously served three centuries before. 
It is the usual custom for the King to wash the feet of the 
poor men at the same time and in the same manner as the 
Queen, but it was announced that, owing to the tender years 
of Alfonso XIII, this part of the exercises would be omitted. 
The httle five-year-old King was a subject of intense pride to 
most loyal Spaniards. I have already noticed the practice to 
open the annual sessions of the Cortes with great pomp, the 
King and all the members of the royal family attending in 
brilliant state. A Spanish lady, in giving me an account of 
these customary ceremonies at the opening of the Cortes, a 
few weeks before my arrival, told me, with a sparkle of Span- 
ish pride in her eyes and a patriotic tone, how the little King 
ascended the dais with firm step, deliberately handed his 
cloak to an attendant and seated himself in the Throne Chair 
with as much grace and dignity as his father before him. The 
little fellow never failed to elicit the utmost respect and marks 
of affection from the people whenever he appeared in public ; 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 323 

and his mother, who was giving to the nation such an example 
of purity of hfe as has not been common in the Palace, and 
such proofs of prudence and abihty as commanded the re- 
spect of the world, found in the helpless boy a substantial 
prop to the throne. It is that responsive chord of sympathy 
which innocent youth awakens among all peoples and in 
every class of society. 

After the "feet-washing" was concluded, the Queen and 
her lady attendants passed over to the table where were 
seated the thirteen poor men. As their feet were not to be 
washed, they were now to receive the royal attention in an- 
other form. In front of each on the table was placed a plate, 
a napkin, a loaf of bread, a spoon, fork, and knife, a jug con- 
taining twelve pints of wine, a tumbler, a wine-glass, and a 
double salt-cellar. The Queen stood near the head of the 
table, and there stretched two long lines to the main en- 
trance of the salon, the titled ladies on her right, and on her 
left the grandees and other noblemen who participated in 
the exercises. 

As I remembered their respective titles the whole history 
of Spain was brought to mind. There stood the descendant 
of Gonzalvo de Cordova, El Gran Capitan (the Great Cap- 
tain), — a much better type of the Spanish warrior than the 
famous Cid, who was little better than a brigand, — the right 
arm of Isabella the Catholic, and of Ferdinand, who laid 
the foundation of the Spanish soldiery which for a century 
dominated Europe and carried the Cross and Spanish rule to 
the remotest corners of America. Christopher Columbus, the 
lineal descendant of the great navigator, or, as he is better 
known in Spain, the Duke of Veragua, was absent from his 
accustomed place, painfully ill, but his brother and successor 
was in the hall. The Marquis of Mondejar stood near the 
Queen, as well he might, if the heroism and devotion of the 
men are remembered who for five centuries have borne that 
title and done valiant service for the Church and Crown on 



324 DIPLOI\L\TIC MEMOIRS 

every battlefield against the Moors and other enemies of the 
Faith. As I looked upon that long line of noblemen and 
titled ladies, as they stood on the right and left of the Queen 
of Spain, I could not restrain silent homage to the great men 
whose names and titles they bear. 

I have stated that the poor men before whose table the 
Queen now stood were to receive the royal attention in an- 
other form. She had hardly taken her position when I saw, 
passing through the door where the line of noblemen ended, 
a large plate of salmon handed in, a cut of five or six pounds, 
the section of an immense fish whose equal is rarely seen in 
the markets. This plate was passed along up the Hne of noble- 
men from hand to hand, till it reached the Queen, and she 
placed it with her own hands in front of the poor man at the 
head of the table. But this one plate of salmon was followed 
in rapid succession by twelve other plates of salmon of equal 
bulk, until in front of each man was a plate of salmon suf- 
ficient of itself to feed the whole thirteen. 

As soon as this course was laid, the Queen, beginning again 
at the head of the table, lifted the plate with her own hands, 
and passed it to the first lady at her right, who handed it 
along down the hne till it disappeared through the door at 
the opposite end of the hall from which it entered. Before it 
disappeared, a large plate of pollock was sent in through the 
door at the foot of the line of noblemen and passed up to 
the Queen, and by her placed in front of the poor man at 
the head of the table ; and then another and another, till 
thirteen plates of pollock were on the table. Again the Queen 
began the process of removing the plates, and down along the 
line of ladies they followed each other in rapid succession. 
And when the last had been removed, a new plate, this time 
of conger eel with rice, was ready to be handed to Her Ma- 
jesty, to go through the same process ; meanwhile the poor 
men were looking on in mute wonder and tasting nothing. 
The hst of the remaining dishes placed on the table and re- 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 325 

moved was as follows : (4) sardine pastry ; (5) fried hake ; (6) 
eel pie ; (7) fried salted codfish ; (8) roasted red sea-bream ; 
(9) fried red mullet; (10) baked salmon trout; (11) pickled 
sea-bream ; (12) pickled oysters (it is seen by this time that it 
is a lenten dinner, mainly of fish) ; (13) stuffed artichokes ; 
(14) cream tartlets ; (15) rice pudding. This completed the 
hst of cooked dishes. Then followed (16) a whole Dutch 
cheese ; (17) a plate of ohves ; (18) candied oranges and lem- 
ons ; (19) a plate of limes ; (20) ditto of oranges ; (21) ditto of 
apples ; (22) ditto of lemons ; (23) figs ; (24) dried peaches ; 
(25) dried prunes ; (26) walnuts ; (27) raisins ; (28) filberts ; 
(29) candied aniseed ; (30) almonds. 

The washing of the feet of twelve women was no small 
task, but in the performance which I have just described the 
Queen had placed four hundred and twenty-nine large and 
well-loaded plates upon the table and then removed the 
four hundred and twenty-nine plates; the total weight of 
which was stated to be twenty-four hundred and fifty-seven 
pounds, or about a ton and a quarter ; but she had done it all 
with a smiling face, a fair degree of dexterity and dispatch, 
and no signs of fatigue. But it was different, for instance, 
with the venerable grandee who stood next to her and 
handed her the four hundred and twenty-nine plates. He 
was evidently glad his task was over. He bears the famous 
title of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, a title which recalls the 
most brilliant pages of the mediaeval days of Spain. A duke 
of that era almost rivaled his sovereign in the magnificence 
of his establishment and his power. "WTien the Catholic 
Kings entered upon the final campaign against Granada, 
the Duke brought into the field as his contingent, fully 
armed and at his own charges, five thousand horse and 
forty thousand foot. A century later another Duke of Medina 
Sidonia held a command more important but less glorious in 
its results. At the head of one hundred and fifty large war- 
vessels, carrying twenty-five hundred cannon and thirty 



326 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

thousand seamen, he sailed out of Cadiz with the proud 
Ai-mada, and bore down upon England, for whose destruc- 
tion Philip II had combined all the resources of his king- 
dom, inspired by two causes of hate — fii'st. Queen Bess had 
rejected his hand in marriage, and, second, England was then 
the bulwark of the Protestant cause. But the bold British 
mariners under Drake, and the stormy elements, between 
them, scattered and almost exterminated the invincible Ar- 
mada, which ended the Spanish domination of the ocean, and 
fixed the beginning of that boasted supremacy of the British 
navy which has continued unchallenged to the present day. 
In these piping times of peace the present Duke has no greater 
calls upon his courage and loyalty than to pass along up to 
the Queen four hundred and twenty-nine plates of fish, et 
cetera, on Holy Thursdays. 

But the Queen's work is not yet ended. The articles which 
I enumerated as being placed on the table when the poor men 
took their seats were also to be removed. First the Queen 
removed the thirteen jugs, each containing a gallon and a 
half of wine. It is related of the late Queen Isabella II that as 
she was thus serving the table, her head and neck resplendent 
with diamonds, one of them fell into the plate of a poor man, 
who, greatly embarrassed, took it up, not knowing to whom 
he ought to hand it. ''Keep it," said the Queen, "it has 
fallen to you by lot." 

After the jugs of wine and the loaf of bread had been re- 
moved, the Queen gathered up and placed carefully on the 
plate in front of each man the napkin, the spoon, knife and 
fork, the tumbler, the wine-glass, and the salt-cellar, and sent 
them down the line of ladies. This, as may be imagined, was a 
somewhat perilous voyage, and it is a matter of much trepida- 
tion on the part of the titled ladies and of curiosity on the 
part of the spectators as to who shall be the unfortunate one 
from whose hands any of the contents of the plate may fall, 
for it seldom, if ever, occurs that no such mishap comes to 



A SPANISH CEREMONIAL 327 

one or more of the ladies before the thirteen plates are all 
safely landed outside the hall, and the event is always a 
source of merriment to the onlookers. On this occasion the 
first such accident came to the tall and handsome lady with 
the richly trimmed orange-satin dress, pearl collar and crown 
of emeralds and diamonds, who bears the well-known title of 
Duchess of Alva, a name famous in Spanish history almost 
from the foundation of the kingdom. The Duke of Alva, 
best known to us through our own historians Prescott and 
Motley, is he who three hundred and fifty years ago made the 
celebrated march from Italy, across the Alps and through 
France, into the Netherlands, to exterminate the Protestant 
revolt led by William of Orange. The Duke of Alva of my day 
was not seen among the grandees on this occasion, though 
he bore the title of six dukes, thirteen marquises, and fifteen 
counts. He had not inherited, either in mien or habits, many 
of the characteristics of his great ancestors. His chief as- 
sociates were dogs, fast horses, and fast society, being quite 
noted among "the boys about town." 

This duke, with his thirty-four titles of nobility, is not an 
unusual occurrence in the land which produced that incom- 
parable work of satire of all time, the knight-errantry of Don 
Quixote. I give from an unimportant pamphlet a dedication 
of the same to the business manager of the royal household, 
under whose direction the feast I am describing was prepared, 
as follows : "To the Most Excellent Seiior Don Jose Osorio y 
Silva, Marquis of Alcanices, Duke of Albuquerque, Grandee 
of Spain of the First Class, Gentleman of the King's House- 
hold with the functions and service of Chief Steward, High- 
est Chief of the Palace, Master of the King's Horse, Master 
of the Chase, Keeper of the Seal of His Majesty (whom may 
God preserve). Knight of the Notable Order of the Cloth of 
Gold, of the Grand Cross of Charles III, of St. Maurice and 
St. Lazarus of Italy, and of the Christ of Portugal." 

Wlien the tables were all cleared, the Papal Nuncio handed 



328 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

to each poor man and woman, in succession, a purse of silver 
of the vahie of a half doubloon or ounce, about $7.50, with 
his blessing. It is the usual practice for the King to serve the 
poor women at their table, at the same time and in the same 
manner as the Queen served the men, but, as already inti- 
mated, this part of the service was omitted on account of the 
youth of Alfonso XIII. The contents of the thirty courses 
for the men, as well as a similar provision for the women, as 
they passed out of the hall, were packed carefully in twenty- 
five immense hampers, weighing 4514 pounds, or two and a 
quarter tons, and afterwards delivered to these poor guests 
for such use as they might choose to make of them. It is said 
they are usually sold to the restaurant keepers in the city, 
and that a very considerable sum is realized by each from the 
sale. The whole expense of this entertainment was paid out 
of the Queen's exchequer. 

The exercises, which had continued for over two hours, 
were finally concluded by a solemn benediction pronounced 
by the Patriarch of the Indies. And thus was terminated 
this ancient, interesting, and unique ceremony, transmitted 
down the ages as a solemn religious service by the most 
devoted adherents of the Catholic Church. 

Should I venture to moralize upon the ceremony, I would 
say that it teaches an important lesson. The supreme excel- 
lence and culmination of the Christian religion is charity, 
charity which reaches down from the King on his throne, the 
nobleman in his palace, the rich and prosperous in comfort 
and ease, to the poor, the afflicted, and helpless ; gives them 
water for cleansing, clothing for their rags, food for their 
bodily comfort, and takes them by the hand and calls them 
"brother." The religion which makes this its ideal may hope 
to be pardoned the cruelties of the Inquisition in Spain and 
the vagaries of witch-hanging in Massachusetts. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

MY SECOND MISSION TO SPAIN 

In 1891 I was appointed by President Harrison, at the re- 
quest of Secretary Blaine, to conduct the negotiations with 
various interested countries based upon the legislation of 
Congress of 1890 known as the McKinley Tariff, providing 
for commercial reciprocity arrangements with them. A sketch 
of that measure and the negotiations growing out of it will be 
given in the next chapter ; but as they occasioned a second 
visit by me to Spain, I deem it best to give in this order a 
narrative of this second mission. 

The leading product embraced in the McKinley reciprocity 
provision was sugar, and as this was the chief product upon 
which was based the industry and commerce of Cuba, the 
Spanish Government was deeply interested in securing for 
that island the benefit of the proposed reciprocity arrange- 
ment. As preliminary to my mission to Spain and to enable 
me to have as comprehensive a knowledge as possible of the 
situation of affairs, I made a visit to Cuba, and spent some 
time in Havana, Matanzas, and other cities reached by the 
railroads, in conference with sugar-planters, exporters, and 
merchants. On my return to Washington, after receiving my 
instructions, I took my departure for Madrid. 

It was my purpose to go directly through London and 
Paris without unnecessary delay, as my absence from Wash- 
ington would halt negotiations on the subject with other 
countries. But on reaching London I was informed by our 
Minister, Mr. Lincoln, that King Leopold of Belgium was in 
the city and desired to see me. Accordingly Mr. Lincoln took 
me to call upon His Majesty, and it turned out that he was 



330 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS 

very anxious about the fate of the Congo State Treaty, 
which was then pending in the Senate of the United States, 
respecting which Mr. Lincohi had told him that I might be 
able to give him some information. The treaty had been 
signed only six weeks previously, and had barely reached the 
Senate before I left Washington. I wondered at the time why 
he exhibited so much anxiety and impatience about its 
approval by the Senate, but that was afterwards explained 
by his great pecuniary interest in the commercial enterprises, 
which later made the rule of his representatives in that re- 
gion so revolting and disgraceful. 

During my residence in Europe I had heard much of King 
Leopold's escapades and family troubles, and I had little re- 
spect for him as a man, but my interview with him in London 
impressed me with his intelligence and his ability as a man 
of business. Fom-teen years later when, as the attorney 
for the Chinese Government, I was effecting a settlement 
with a company of the affairs of the Canton-Hankow Rail- 
way, I had further insight into Leopold's business activity 
and shrewdness, which will appear in my account of that 
matter. 

On my arrival in Madrid I was kindly received by our 
American Minister resident at that Capital, but I soon found 
that he felt aggrieved at my coming. It was a perfectly nat- 
ural feeling, and one which I had anticipated and sought to 
avoid by having Secretary Blaine cable him, in advance of 
my departure, that it was his purpose to send me, and thus 
afford him an opportunity to dissent. If he had done so, I 
should have been unwilling to undertake the mission, but he 
did not. The President and Secretary Blaine felt that my 
previous residence in Spain, my knowledge of the language, 
and my experience in negotiating the previous reciprocity 
treaty made it desirable that I should be intrusted with this 
mission. 

Immediately after my arrival I had a frank talk with our 



MY SECOND MISSION TO SPAIN 331 

Minister and we reached a satisfactory and friendly under- 
standing, which was not interrupted during my stay. He 
rendered me every support that I could desire in the nego- 
tiations, promptly gave a dinner in my honor, to which 
were invited the Ministry and heads of legations, and both 
officially and socially left nothing undone to make my mis- 
sion a success. 

I have explained in the preceding chapter how the Easter 
services delayed and obstructed my business; but Holy 
Week having passed, I was not long in securing the attention 
of the Minister of State to the business of my mission. My 
first duty was to have an audience of the Queen Regent, to 
present my letter of credence from the President, which was 
promptly held. I was gratified to find that Her Majesty re- 
tained very pleasant memories of my former residence at her 
Capital, and she made kind inquiries about Mrs. Foster and 
my daughters. While I was having my audience with her, 
which was in her own part of the Palace, the little King came 
running in, and rushed up to his mother with juvenile disre- 
gard of official forms. She had him shake hands with me, 
told him who I was, and I had a short conversation with him ; 
but he was soon off again in the same boyish manner in which 
he entered. 

I found some changes had occurred in the personnel of the 
Diplomatic Corps since my former residence, but the most 
notable change was the transformation of the legations of 
Great Britain, Germany, Austria, and Italy into embassies, 
while formerly France was the only country which had main- 
tained a mission of the first grade. It was pleasant to know 
that my old colleagues and the new ones were prepared to 
give me a hearty welcome, and during my brief stay a round 
of dinners were given in my honor in the embassies and by 
members of the Cabinet. By none was I more heartily wel- 
comed back than by my good friend Emilio Castelar, who 
came out of his retirement to give me a notable entertain- 



332 DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS . 

ment, gathering about his table the most congenial and bril- 
liant spirits of Madrid society. 

Another change of a personal and social character had 
occurred during my absence. Seiior Canovas, the Prime 
Minister, was a bachelor and had lived in very simple style in 
a modest house. I now found him married and living in one 
of the most elegant palaces in Madrid. The lady who had 
captivated him in his mature age was born and educated in 
Washington, the daughter of a Peruvian Minister to the 
United States who was afterwards transferred to Madrid. 
By the marriage of her father with a Spanish lady of high 
rank he became possessed of a title of nobility and great 
wealth, mainly in Cuban estates. He built a fine palace 
in the most fashionable quarter of the Capital, and on his 
daughter's marriage to Cdnovas he presented them with 
this palace as a bridal gift. The marriage proved a happy 
one, notwithstanding the disparity of age, and they en- 
joyed their elegant home for six years after my visit, until he 
was stricken down by the anarchist assassin in the presence 
of his wife. 

I have alluded to my friendly relations with Cdnovas and 
my high estimate of his character. He greeted me warmly 
on my return, and gave a large dinner at his new home in my 
honor, at which there were present the members of the Cabi- 
net and the foreign ambassadors. This distinction was both 
opportune and highly appreciated by me, because at the time 
I was conducting my negotiations with the Ministers of 
State and the Colonies, and was not making satisfactory 
progress. They had not recovered from the disappointment 
occasioned by the failure of the Senate to approve the re- 
ciprocity treaty of 1884, and were interposing conditions 
which I could not accept. I had been forced to appeal to the 
Prime Minister against their course, and a dinner at his palace 
where I was the guest of honor could not fail to impress them 
favorably. Before I bade him good-night after this dinner, 



MY SECOND MISSION TO SPAIN 333 

Sefior Canovas told me that he had instructed the Ministers 
that they must reach an agreement with me. 

After this assurance from him the negotiations went more 
smoothly, and within a reasonable time I had the satisfac- 
tion of reaching an arrangement for the trade with Cuba and 
Porto Rico entirely satisfactory to the President and Secre- 
tary Blaine. I had brought with me full powers to sign a 
treaty, or what was termed the "reciprocity arrangement," 
but out of consideration for the sensitiveness of our resident 
American Minister, I decided to transfer the consummation 
of the arrangement to Washington, and it was accordingly 
signed by Secretary Blaine and the Spanish Minister there. 

The time occupied on this special service, from the date of 
my departure from Washington to my return, covered six 
weeks. It was one of the most prompt and successful mis- 
sions ever undertaken by me. The reciprocity arrangement 
went into effect without delay, and during the time it was in 
operation it largely increased American exports to the 
Spanish Antillas. 



END OF VOLUME I 



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